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Terrorism, Risk, and Legislation<br />

towards military or police interventions abroad which are understood as<br />

extra-territorial law enforcement with the goal of providing for internal<br />

safety in failing states or providing protection of human rights. Changes in<br />

the meaning of internal and external safety have been encouraged already<br />

through developments in the control of transnational and organized crime.<br />

The UN Convention against transnational organized crime of 2000 is<br />

characterized by those elements which play also a significant role in antiterrorist<br />

legislation after September 11 th . These changes indicate<br />

convergence between concepts of internal and external security and a trend<br />

towards privatization of wars. In particular the phenomenon of privatization<br />

of wars leads to new socio-legal problems with the emergence of “corporate<br />

warriors” (Singer, 2003) or private military firms (see for instance Grosse<br />

Anfrage, 2005; Antwort der Bundesregierung, 2005).<br />

These changes display as Beck insists (Beck, 2002), a loss of significance of<br />

the nation state and the monopoly of power. The monopoly of power and<br />

the nation state step back behind international and transnational forms of<br />

police and military cooperation which are expressed in the development of<br />

international and transnational forms of police and military cooperation<br />

which is expressed in cross-border systems of collecting and exchanging<br />

information as well as in the emergence of supranational intervention and<br />

task forces. Transnational police is visible in Europol, in systems of liaison<br />

officers and joint investigation teams (Proceedings, 2001). This ultimately<br />

leads furthermore to a precarious reduction in the role of the judiciary which<br />

is non-existent on the international level and thus also demonstrates a<br />

strategical defeat for the protection of civil rights.<br />

The goals and functions of secret services change, too. Anti-terrorism<br />

strategies are directed today – as is made explicit in the Patriot Act 2001 as<br />

well as in the most recent counterterrorism strategy concept of the American<br />

administration – towards an integration of formerly separate secret services<br />

competent for internal affairs and external affairs as well as towards an<br />

integration of law enforcement and secret services (Mello, 2002, pp. 381).<br />

Criminal law thus is put at risk of becoming alienated from the classic<br />

boundary setting principle of the so-called modern or civil criminal law<br />

adopted under the reign of a liberal philosophy of the state (Kunz, 2001, pp.<br />

403; Bloy 2003). In the notion and concept of enemy criminal law this<br />

alienation finds an adequate expression. Procedural rights as well as the<br />

principle of personal guilt from the viewpoint of enemy criminal law just<br />

display mere obstacles (see eg. Turk, 2002, p. 281: “it seems clear by now<br />

that the agents and supporters of Al Quaeda cannot be accorded the same<br />

35

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