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Edna Erez and Anat Berko<br />

The interviewees’ identifications as being Palestinian and Muslim shaped their<br />

experiences as women. Some were shy, reporting having little social, face to face<br />

contact with men outside of their nuclear and extended families. In embracing their<br />

nationality and religion, the women stressed suffering and obedience, but also pride<br />

and exceptionality. They felt that as Palestinians they were “special” and “better<br />

than the American or Jewish women.”<br />

Most women reported having “normal” childhoods, growing up in large families<br />

with mothers who were homemakers. Most had breadwinner fathers, though two<br />

grew up with their fathers largely absent (due to prison and divorce). The women<br />

tended to have warm, close relationships with their mothers and distant but<br />

respectful relations with their fathers. About half the women lost their fathers later<br />

in life to illness, accidents, or terrorist activity. This loss of their father figure or the<br />

absence of protector may have contributed, directly or indirectly, to the women’s<br />

engaging in terrorist activity. According This is consistent with the statements of<br />

interviewed social service workers, who stated that women who engage in terrorist<br />

pursuits come from “weak families”, lacking in a protective/disciplinarian father.<br />

Women’s pathways to terrorism<br />

The women’s pathways to terrorism were triggered by a variety of motives and<br />

reflected different personal, often gender-related circumstances. While most<br />

women’s involvement in terrorism had largely been voluntary, there had also been<br />

elements of coercion and entrapment in some of the women’s stories, elements<br />

which varied in their form and intensity. Those who actively sought opportunities<br />

to engage in terrorism did so for a number of reasons, including retribution,<br />

religious conviction, and rebellion against gender restrictions. Others were seeking<br />

excitement, or a way to end desperate circumstances while presumably gaining<br />

respect in the process.<br />

Of the women interviewed, all except two reported that their participation in<br />

terrorism was voluntary. One exception was a woman who just wanted to get<br />

trained in military activities and use of weapon, and was later coerced by the<br />

organization that trained her to go on a suicide mission. The second case had been<br />

a 19 year old woman whose parents had been complicit in her involvement in a<br />

suicide mission. This interviewee’s responses and file indicated that she had been<br />

sexually abused by a family member, and had also suffered from burn injuries<br />

resulting from a cooking accident at home the year prior to her failed mission; this<br />

accident disfigured her neck, face and other body parts. These “blemishes” (sexual<br />

impurity and physical appearance) led her parents to offer their daughter as<br />

“shahida” (female martyr).<br />

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