222467to222472
222467to222472
222467to222472
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
Hans-Joerg Albrecht<br />
Introduction<br />
After September 11 th , a process was initiated by international and<br />
supranational organizations as well as national legislative bodies, a process<br />
that is quite familiar to the German public from experiences made in the<br />
70’s and during the period of what became known as German terrorism.<br />
However, historical parallels can be observed for other European countries,<br />
for example the Prevention of Terrorism Act 1984 that followed the<br />
bombings in Birmingham in November 1984, or legislation in France after<br />
series of terrorist activities in 1986 as well as 1995/1996 (Walker, 1992, pp.<br />
31; Hermant/Bigo, 2000).<br />
Legislative responses to German terrorism, also known as anti-terrorism<br />
legislation (Berlit/Dreier, 1984) can be characterized as swift reactions to<br />
terrorist acts, they signalled the states´ activity and readiness to act; these<br />
responses have been also characterized as expressions of a loss of distance<br />
between the legislative and executive branches of the state (Berlit/Dreier,<br />
1984, pp. 258). What could be observed also in German anti-terrorism<br />
legislation of the 70’s concerns politicisation of criminal legislation which<br />
included fundamental debates on questions of terrorism, in particular as<br />
regards the question of how supporters of terrorism should be separated<br />
from legitimate criticism of the states´ response to terrorism. It is back then<br />
that the label of “sympathizers” of terrorism has been created and made<br />
operative in political debates on terrorism. However, the political debates<br />
following September 11 th have been less spectacular than those of the 70’s.<br />
On the contrary, the debates that follow September 11 th demonstrate in fact<br />
an absence of principled discussions, in particular discussions on the<br />
relevance of anti-terrorism legislation for human rights (however, see now<br />
Council of Europe, 2004). The relevance of anti-terrorism legislation for a<br />
profound re-arrangement of fundamental rights certainly is evident (see<br />
Crelinsten/Özkut 2000, pp. 261); what has been gaining momentum in<br />
particular is a new debate on the limits of interrogation and the legitimacy of<br />
torture (Bowden, 2003). It has been concluded in a statement by the US<br />
Department of Justice that the general prohibition of torture leaves room for<br />
interpretation as only extreme acts of pain inflicting interrogation methods<br />
are seen to fall under the prohibition of torture by the UN Convention<br />
Against Torture as well as US law implementing the convention (U.S.<br />
Department of Justice, 2002). What also merely has been discussed<br />
concerns the question whether planned and implemented law reforms<br />
14