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Hans-Joerg Albrecht<br />

Introduction<br />

After September 11 th , a process was initiated by international and<br />

supranational organizations as well as national legislative bodies, a process<br />

that is quite familiar to the German public from experiences made in the<br />

70’s and during the period of what became known as German terrorism.<br />

However, historical parallels can be observed for other European countries,<br />

for example the Prevention of Terrorism Act 1984 that followed the<br />

bombings in Birmingham in November 1984, or legislation in France after<br />

series of terrorist activities in 1986 as well as 1995/1996 (Walker, 1992, pp.<br />

31; Hermant/Bigo, 2000).<br />

Legislative responses to German terrorism, also known as anti-terrorism<br />

legislation (Berlit/Dreier, 1984) can be characterized as swift reactions to<br />

terrorist acts, they signalled the states´ activity and readiness to act; these<br />

responses have been also characterized as expressions of a loss of distance<br />

between the legislative and executive branches of the state (Berlit/Dreier,<br />

1984, pp. 258). What could be observed also in German anti-terrorism<br />

legislation of the 70’s concerns politicisation of criminal legislation which<br />

included fundamental debates on questions of terrorism, in particular as<br />

regards the question of how supporters of terrorism should be separated<br />

from legitimate criticism of the states´ response to terrorism. It is back then<br />

that the label of “sympathizers” of terrorism has been created and made<br />

operative in political debates on terrorism. However, the political debates<br />

following September 11 th have been less spectacular than those of the 70’s.<br />

On the contrary, the debates that follow September 11 th demonstrate in fact<br />

an absence of principled discussions, in particular discussions on the<br />

relevance of anti-terrorism legislation for human rights (however, see now<br />

Council of Europe, 2004). The relevance of anti-terrorism legislation for a<br />

profound re-arrangement of fundamental rights certainly is evident (see<br />

Crelinsten/Özkut 2000, pp. 261); what has been gaining momentum in<br />

particular is a new debate on the limits of interrogation and the legitimacy of<br />

torture (Bowden, 2003). It has been concluded in a statement by the US<br />

Department of Justice that the general prohibition of torture leaves room for<br />

interpretation as only extreme acts of pain inflicting interrogation methods<br />

are seen to fall under the prohibition of torture by the UN Convention<br />

Against Torture as well as US law implementing the convention (U.S.<br />

Department of Justice, 2002). What also merely has been discussed<br />

concerns the question whether planned and implemented law reforms<br />

14

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