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Palestinian Women in Terrorism: Protectors or Protected<br />
Palestinian society and its national struggle<br />
Palestinian women’s participation in terrorist activities needs also to be understood<br />
in the context of the Israeli-Arab military struggle, which dates back to the<br />
establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. 8 Since the War of Independence<br />
between Israel and its neighboring Arab countries, and the subsequent creation of<br />
Israel, the Palestinian Arabs have continuously been involved in terrorist activities<br />
with the aim of annihilating Israel. The issue of whether and how women can<br />
contribute to the military struggle has long preoccupied Palestinian political and<br />
religious leadership, presenting the women who wish to participate with paradoxes.<br />
Nationalist movements (e.g. Yuval-Davis, 1997), including the Palestinian<br />
resistance movement and its leaders, have historically emphasized women’s<br />
domestic contributions to national causes. 9 Until recently, women were seen as<br />
contributing to the national struggle primarily through their domestic roles--bearing<br />
children (particularly sons) 10 and caring for their families, the central organizing<br />
unit of the nation. Islamic tradition, to which most Palestinian women subscribe,<br />
explicitly limits females’ participation in the public domain (e.g. Israeli, 2004).<br />
With the escalation of Palestinian resistance efforts, and the concomitant tightening<br />
of Israeli security procedures, the value of women for successful implementation of<br />
operations has been recognized, causing a shift in the rhetoric toward greater<br />
acceptance of women in terrorism. Palestinian women have been invited “to<br />
participate more fully in collective life by interpolating them as ‘national’ actors:<br />
mothers, educators, workers, and even fighters” (Kandiyoti, 1996, p. 9). 11 One<br />
Palestinian female leader reflected this shift at a rally honoring female suicide<br />
bombers, suggesting that the “new” Palestinian woman “is the mother of the<br />
martyr, sister of the martyr, daughter of the martyr – and now she is the martyr<br />
herself” (Hasso, 2005, p. 34).<br />
The changing rhetoric notwithstanding, Palestinian society has continued to<br />
endorse traditional gender boundaries (Peteet, 1991; Rubenberg, 2001). Although<br />
women are increasingly called upon to assume active resistance roles, they are also<br />
pressured to articulate their gender interests within a traditionalist framework (e.g.<br />
Ali, 2006). Palestinian women are thus expected to balance their desire to partake<br />
in the national struggle with the continued pressure to fulfill their familial roles and<br />
to preserve Arab/Islamic constructions of femininity. 12 As observers of Palestinian<br />
society have confirmed, militancy and violence have been critical for the<br />
construction of masculinity, but not for affirming female identity (Hasso, 2005, p.<br />
29). Consequently, Palestinian women responding to the call have faced a paradox:<br />
enacting their nationalist identities by resisting the occupying forces 13 has<br />
threatened and contradicted their femininity and womanhood as dictated by<br />
hegemonic patriarchy (Ali, 2006).<br />
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