Local Governance in Afghanistan: A View from the Ground

Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit
2011
6. Representation
This section examines the nature of representation at provincial, district and village levels. It then
goes on to look at the role of political parties and concludes with an overview of what is here called
the “non-state realm.”
6.1 Provincial councils
The role of the provincial council is outlined in the Subnational Governance Policy Document and the
2010 Draft Local Government Law. The number of its members varies according to the population
of the province population, ranging from seven members for populations of 500,000 or less to 31
members for provinces of three million or more. Councillors receive a $300 monthly salary ($340
for council heads). In the study provinces, the provincial councils elected in 2009 each had nine
members, three of which were women. The duties of a provincial council as outlined in the 2010
Draft Law are to regularly consult with citizens, monitor service delivery and hold the provincial
administration to account. In addition, they are charged with ensuring that women and young people
have access to the council, listening to complaints and resolving certain civil disputes. These activities
serve to meet the objectives of local government, which are described as promoting Islamic values,
maintaining order, protecting human rights, contributing to development processes, reducing poverty
and disaster management. The Draft Law provides a useful clarification of the Policy Document,
which is somewhat sweeping in its demands on the provincial council.
Since the research straddled the second set of provincial council and presidential elections in
autumn 2009, it was possible to speak with both newly elected councillors and those from the
previous councils. Many of the provincial councils elected in 2005 came into office on the basis
of extravagant promises that proved to be unrealistic, in part because the machinery of the new
government took time to become established. In 2005, the pressures on government were intense
and issues of local government administration and representation were not a main priority. The
newly elected councillors found themselves in an unfamiliar situation with little guidance on how
they should operate. A member of a 2005 provincial council said: “I did not realise the constraints of
the job. I could not do all that I set out to do. We had no authority to work independently and did not
have sufficient funds. High levels of administrative corruption made it difficult to do our work.”
According to reports, the 2005 elections were relatively well-conducted. However, this was not
the case in 2009. There were many reports of electoral fraud and malpractice for the provincial
council elections across all study provinces. The process was characterised by the shifting loyalties
of candidates, electoral deals, intimidation and vote buying. 83 In one province the NDS promoted
insecurity in areas known to oppose president Karzai in order to scare voters away from polling
stations. While this helped obtain a higher vote for the president, it prevented representation from
certain districts on the provincial council and increased local discontent.
One respondent from the Independent Election Commission reported that this was happening across
the country, noting that “zor, zar wa jurrat” (power, money and courage) were the three keys to
success in any Afghan election. While there was considerable idealism among those standing for the
2005 councils, those who stood in 2009 were more hard-headed and pragmatic about their role. In
each province it was evident that powerful individuals or members from influential families were
seeking representation on provincial councils as a way to reinforce their power and social status.
Female members of such families were also standing for the council seats reserved specifically for
women. Younger men were being given their first exposure in the political/administrative arena
and represented their family and sectional interests. Although the investment required was not
commensurate with any great power, 84 election to provincial councils had become a means of
reinforcing the power and social status of influential families.
83 One Laghman Provincial Council member reported he spent $20,000 on election expenses.
84 The expenditure of $2,000 per candidate was considered normal, but some were said to have spent far more than this.
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