The Qur'an in its historical context (pdf - Islam and Christian-Muslim ...

CLAUDE GILLIOT
in Journal of Qur’anic Studies 5, 2003, 92–7; Ch. Burgmer, Streit um den Koran: Die
Luxenberg-Debatte: Standpunkte und Hintergründe, Berlin: Schiler, 2004.
8 The expression “the obscure beginnings” is taken up from the German title of:
K.-H. Ohlig and G.-R. Puin (eds), Die Dunklen Anfänge: Neue Forschungen zur
Entstehung und frühen Geschichte des Islam, Berlin: Schiler, 2005.
9 First World Congress of Middle Eastern Studies, Mainz, September 8–13, 2002. This
long contribution will be published under the title: “Une reconstruction critique
du Coran ou comment en finir avec les merveilles de la lampe d’Aladin?” in
M. Kropp (ed.), Results of Contemporary Research on the Qur’an: The Question of a
Historico-Critical Text, Beirut, Orient-Institut, 2006, 33–137.
10 For this issue, which is not dealt with here, see Gilliot, “Reconstruction,” § nos. 2–14.
11 G. Bergsträsser, “Plan eines Apparatus criticus zum Koran,” Sitzungsberichte der
Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-hist. Abt., 1930, Heft 7,
reprint in R. Paret (ed.), Der Koran, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
1975, 389–97.
12 O. Pretzl, “Bericht über den Stand des Koranunternehmens der Bayerischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften in München,” Mitgliederversammlung der DMG,
Halle, 3. Januar 1936, in ZDMG 89, 1935, 20–1; idem, “Die Fortführung des
Apparatus Criticus zum Koran,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayrischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, philosophisch-hist. Abt., 1934, Heft 5; idem, “Die Wissenschaft der
Koranlesung,” Islamica 6, 1935–6, 1–47; 230–46; 290–331.
13 A. Jeffery, “Progress in the study of the Qur’an text,” Moslem World 25, 1935, 4–16,
reprint in Paret, Der Koran, 398–412; idem, Materials for the History of the Text of
the Qur’an, Leiden: Brill, 1937, reprint New York: AMS, 1975; idem, “The textual
history of the Qur’an,” Journal of the Middle East Society (Jerusalem) 1, 1947,
35–49; reprint in idem, The Qur’an as Scripture, New York: Moore, 1952, 89–103;
A. Jeffery and I. Mendelsohn, “The orthography of the Samarqand Qur’an codex,”
JAOS 3, 1942, 175–94.
14 Th. Nöldeke, “Hatte Muhammad christliche Lehrer?” ZDMG 12, 1858, 699–708;
A. Sprenger, “Ueber eine Handschrift des ersten Bandes des Kitàb Tabaqàt al-kabyr
vom Sekretär des Wàqidy,” ZDMG 3, 1849, 450–6, p. 454 for Bahira; idem,
“Mohammad’s Journey to Syria and Professor Fleischer’s Opinion Thereon” (with
texts and translations from al-Tirmidhi and Ibn Ishâq), Journal of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal 21, 1852, 576–92; idem, Leben, 2nd edn, 1, 178–204 (on Bahira); 2,
379–90 (“Wie hies der Lehrer?”); 390–7 (s.t. “Asâtyr alawwalyn, d.h. die Märchen
der Alten”). One should add the sections on Waraqa b. Nawfal, 1, 81ff., 124–34; idem,
“Mohammad’s Zusammenkunft mit dem Einsiedler Bahyrâ,” ZDMG 12, 1858,
238–49; Gilliot, “Les ‘informateurs’ juifs et chrétiens de Muhammad. Reprise d’un
problème traité par Aloys Sprenger et Theodor Nöldeke,” JSAI 22, 1998, 84–126;
idem, “Informants”; idem, “Zur Herkunft der Gewährsmänner des Propheten,” in
K.-H. Ohlig and G.-R. Puin (eds), Die dunklen Anfänge, 148–69.
15 Asatir is probably derived from Syriac; see S. Fraenkel, Die aramäischen Fremdwörter
im Arabischen, Leiden: Brill, 1886, 250; GdQ1, 16, n. 4, with other possible origins;
A. Mingana, “Syriac influence on the style of the Kuran,” Bulletin of the John Rylands
Library 11, 1927, 88–9. Cf. the remarks of A.-L. de Prémare, “Les textes musulmans
dans leur environnement,” in Cl. Gilliot et T. Nagel (eds), “Les usages du Coran,”
Arabica 47, 2000, 391–408, see 400–3 on zubur al-awwalin (Q 26:196).
16 The other places in the Qur’an which provide occasion for the exegetes to address this
subject include the aforementioned Q 25, 4–5, as well as Q 26, 195; see Gilliot,
“Informateurs,” § nos. 15–19, 23, 25.
17 Al-rumiyya here seems to refer to the languages spoken in the Byzantines territories, not
only Greek, but also Aramaic for Christians or Jews of Syria, Palestine, Iraq, and so on.
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