The Qur'an in its historical context (pdf - Islam and Christian-Muslim ...

THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE QUR’AN
18 ‘Ali Muhammad Shahata (ed.), Cairo: Mu’assasat al-Halabi, 1980–9; Gilliot,
“Informateurs,” § no. 12; idem, “Informants,” 513a.
19 Ibn Ishaq, Sirat rasul Allah, F. Wüstenfeld (ed.), Göttingen: Dieterich, 1858–60, 260;
A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah
(hereafter: Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume), Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1978 (1st edn:
1955), 180; Gilliot, “Informateurs,” § no. 13; idem, “Informants.”
20 Yahya b. Sallam (d. 200/815), Tafsir, Hind Shalabi (ed.), Beirut: Dar al-Kutub
al-‘Ilmiyya, 1425/2004, 1, 91; al-Tabari, Tafsir, Ahmad Sa’id ‘Ali, Mustafa al-Saqqa
et al. (eds), Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1954–7, 14, 179, ad Q 16:103.
21 Yahya b. Sallam, Tafsir, 1, 91, ad Q 16:103; but p. 469 (ad Q 25:4): al-Hasan al-Basri
said: “They mean a slave of Ibn al-Hadrami;” Ibn Abi l-Zamanin, Tafsir, Husayn b.
‘Ukasha and Muhammad b. Mustafa al-Kanz (ed.), Cairo: al-Faruq al-Haditha
li-l-Tiba‘a wa-l-Nashr, 2002, 4, 200, ad Q 44:15; al-Tha‘labi, al-Kashf wa l-bayan
‘an tafsir al-Qur’an, Abu Muhammad Ibn ‘Ashur (ed.), Beirut: Dar Ihya’ al-Turath
al-‘Arabi, 2002, 7, 123, has to be corrected: qala al-Hasan b. ‘Ubayd b. al-Khidr
al-Habashi al-kahin, should be read: wa-fi qawli l-Hasani: huwa ‘abdun li-bni
l-Hadramiyyi, wa-kana kahinan fi l-jahiliyyati; see Gilliot, “Zur Herkunft der
Gewährsmänner,” § nos. 19–21. This error was taken up by Sprenger, Leben, 2, 389:
“Hasan (Baçry) nennt den Abessynier ‘Obayd al-Chidhr, welcher ein Kahin war,”
according to Baghawi, Tafsir (which is an abridgment of Tha‘labi’s Kashf ) ad Q 25: 4;
cf. al-Baghawi, Tafsir, Khalid ‘Abd al-Rahman al-’Ak and Marwan Sawar (ed.),
Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1992, 3, 361.
22 Tha‘labi, Kashf, 6, 43. For the entire record see Hud b. Muhakkam, Tafsir, Balhajj b.
Sa‘id Sharifi (ed.), Beirut: Dar Gharb al-Islami, 1990, 3, 201, ad Q 25:4, according to
al-Hasan al-Basri and Muhammad b. al-Sa’ib al-Kalbi (d. 146/763); al-Suhayli, al-Ta‘rif
wa-l-i‘lam fi-ma ubhima fi l-Qur’an min al-asma’ al-a‘lam, ‘Ali Muhammad
al-Naqrat (ed.), Tripoli: Kulliyat al-Da‘wa al-Islamiyya wa-Lajnat al-Hifaz ‘ala al-Turath
al-Islami, 1992, 173; Sir W. Muir, The Life of Mohammad from Original Sources,
T.H. Weir(ed.) , Edinburgh: Grant, 1912, reprinted 1923, 66.
23 See Ch. Pellat, “al-Nadr b. al-Harith,” EI 2 , 7, 874
24 Muqatil, Tafsir al-Qur’an, 3, 226–7; Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, 135–6;
Tabari, Tafsir, 18:182, ad Q. 25:5; al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-arab fi funun al-adab, n.e.,
Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1923–98, 16, 220, 271; Gilliot, “Muhammad, le
Coran et les ‘contraintes de l’histoire’,” in S. Wild (ed.), The Qur’an as Text, Leiden:
Brill, 1996, 3–26, esp. 23–6.
25 See Gilliot, “Informants,” 517.
26 See Gilliot, “Le Coran, fruit d’un travail collectif?” in D. De Smet, G. de Callatay and
J.M.F. Van Reeth (eds), Al-Kitab. La sacralité du texte dans le monde de l’Islam. Acta
Orientalia Belgica, 2004, 185–231, esp. 188–90; for more details see the account
on the meeting of Khadija with the monk Sergius, which also contains the topos
“Holy! Holy!”
27 On Muhammad’s first experiences of revelation, see GdQ1,74–89; Sprenger, Leben,
330–49; Muir, The Life of Mohammad from Original Sources, 39–54; R. Bell,
“Muhammad’s call,” The Muslim World 24, 1934, 13–19; idem, “Muhammad’s
visions,” The Muslim World 24, 1934, 145–54; R. Blachère, Le problème de Mahomet,
Paris: PUF, 1952, 38–43; R. Sellheim, “Muhammeds erstes Offenbarungserlebnis,”
JSAI 10, 1987, 1–16; G. Schoeler, Charakter und Authentie der muslimischen
Überlieferungen über das Leben Muhammads, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996, 59–117.
28 Sprenger, Leben, 1:355: “Without the love and trust of Khadija, Muhammad would
never have been a prophet, and when death snatched her from him, Islam lost in purity
and the Quran in dignity” (our translation); cf. Muir, The Life of Mohammad from
Original Sources, 106, n. 1.
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