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THE LINGUISTIC BACKGROUND TO THE QUR’AN<br />

18 R.W. Daniel, “P. Petra Inv. 10 <strong>and</strong> <strong>its</strong> Arabic,” Atti del XXII Congresso Internazionale<br />

di Papirologia, Florence: Istituto papirologico G. Vitelli, 2001, 1, 331–41 (esp. 338–9:<br />

“<strong>in</strong> spite of the fact that the Petra papyri are written <strong>in</strong> Greek...the toponyms show that<br />

society at large spoke Arabic”).<br />

19 But it was most likely a very polyglot region. Its diversity is brought out by A. Negev,<br />

Personal Names <strong>in</strong> the Nabatean Realm, Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1991, 2<br />

(“342 personal names occur only <strong>in</strong> North Arabia, 327 only <strong>in</strong> S<strong>in</strong>ai, 218 only <strong>in</strong><br />

Edom/Moab, <strong>and</strong> 117 only <strong>in</strong> the Hawran”); M.C.A. Macdonald, “Languages, scripts<br />

<strong>and</strong> the uses of writ<strong>in</strong>g among the Nabataeans,” <strong>in</strong> G. Markoe (ed.), Petra<br />

Rediscovered: lost city of the Nabataeans, New York: Abrams, 2003, 37–56.<br />

20 And Figure 9 would seem to be by one ‘Amr the k<strong>in</strong>g (see later).<br />

21 It is not certa<strong>in</strong>; M. Zwettler, “Imra’alqays, son of ‘Amr, k<strong>in</strong>g of...?” <strong>in</strong> M. Mir (ed.),<br />

<strong>The</strong> Literary Heritage of Classical <strong>Islam</strong>, Pr<strong>in</strong>ceton: Darw<strong>in</strong>, 1993, 3–37, argues that<br />

‘Arab refers here to a geographical area, not a people. Generally, it refers to the area<br />

around Hatra <strong>in</strong> modern N.W. Iraq, but it is also occasionally used of Roman Arabia<br />

(e.g. J. Parisot, “Book of the Laws of Countries,” Patrologia Syriaca 1, 1894, 602, 25:<br />

“Yesterday the Romans occupied ‘Arab <strong>and</strong> abrogated all the previous laws”).<br />

22 See my “Epigraphy <strong>and</strong> the emergence of Arab identity,” <strong>in</strong> P. Sijpesteijn et al. (eds),<br />

From al-Andalus to Khurasan: Documents from the Medieval <strong>Muslim</strong> World, Leiden:<br />

Brill, 2006. Note, for example, the Ghassanid phylarch Abu Karib’s <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> the<br />

settlement of a dispute between two church deacons concern<strong>in</strong>g the sale of a v<strong>in</strong>eyard<br />

(M. Kaimio, “P. Petra <strong>in</strong>v. 83: a Settlement of Dispute,” Atti del XXII Congresso<br />

Internazionale di Papirologia, 2, 719–24).<br />

23 E. Littmann, Semitic Inscriptions. Pr<strong>in</strong>ceton University Archaeological Expeditions to<br />

Syria, Leiden: Brill, 1914–49, 4A.41.<br />

24 H. Humbach <strong>and</strong> P.O. Skjaervo, <strong>The</strong> Sassanian <strong>in</strong>scription of Paikuli 3.1, Wiesbaden:<br />

Reichert, 1983, 92.<br />

25 W. Müller, “E<strong>in</strong>e sabäische Ges<strong>and</strong>tschaft <strong>in</strong> Ktesiphon und Seleukia,” Neue<br />

Ephemeris für Semitische Epigraphik 2, 1974, 155–65.<br />

26 See I. Shahid, Byzantium <strong>and</strong> the Arabs, Wash<strong>in</strong>gton DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1984–<br />

Present, 1, 349–66 (on Hisham al-Kalbi’s writ<strong>in</strong>gs about the pre-<strong>Islam</strong>ic k<strong>in</strong>gs”;<br />

K. Atham<strong>in</strong>a, “<strong>The</strong> tribal k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> pre-<strong>Islam</strong>ic Arabia,” al-Qantara 19, 1998, 19–37;<br />

Retsö, <strong>The</strong> Arabs <strong>in</strong> Antiquity, 473–85.<br />

27 See, for example, W. Müller, “Ergebnisse neuer epigraphischer Forschungen im<br />

Jemen,” ZDMG suppl. 3, 1977, 732, on a mid-third-century <strong>in</strong>scription whose author<br />

had been sent on a mission “to the k<strong>in</strong>gs of the tribes (ash‘b) of Ghassan, al-Asd, Nizar,<br />

<strong>and</strong> Madhhij,” <strong>and</strong> C. Rob<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> I. Gajda, “L’<strong>in</strong>scription de Wadi ‘Abadan,” Raydan 6,<br />

1994, 113–37, on Himyarite campaigns aga<strong>in</strong>st Murad, Iyad, Ma‘add, <strong>and</strong> ‘Abd<br />

al-Qays to the northeast of Mecca “between the l<strong>and</strong> of Nizar <strong>and</strong> the l<strong>and</strong> of Ghassan”<br />

(<strong>in</strong> the Himyarite year 470 = 360 CE). On these tribes <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Muslim</strong> sources see the<br />

relevant entries <strong>in</strong> EI 2 .<br />

28 <strong>The</strong> only exception is Tayyi’, which appears as a self-designation <strong>in</strong> S. Campetti <strong>and</strong><br />

E. Borzatti von Löwenstern, L’altra umanità. Orig<strong>in</strong>i Storia e arte dei nomadi della<br />

tenda nera, Florence: Sansoni, 1983, 16, <strong>and</strong> as a designation of others <strong>in</strong> Corpus<br />

Inscriptionum Semiticarum 5.1, Paris, 1950, no. 2795; E. Littmann, Safaitic <strong>in</strong>scriptions,<br />

Leiden: Brill, 1943, 236; V. Clark, A Study of New Safaitic Inscriptions from<br />

Jordan, PhD thesis, Melbourne, 1979, 1004. It features <strong>in</strong> Syriac literary sources, as<br />

Tayyayê, from the third century CE onward.<br />

29 In Inscriptions grecs de la Syrie, no. 2110, for example, Flavius Seos <strong>and</strong> his son,<br />

builders of a house, refer to the reign of Mundhir. Similarly, an event <strong>in</strong> John Moschus’<br />

Pratum Spirituale is dated to “when Nu‘man (Names), the phylarch of the Saracens,<br />

was mak<strong>in</strong>g raids” (Patrologia Graeca, J.P. Migne (ed.), 87.3, 3024 = ch. 155) <strong>and</strong><br />

Ms. BM Syriac 585 of the monastery of Natpha near Tadmur (Palmyra) is dated to<br />

67

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