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proto-southwestern-tai revised: a new reconstruction - seals 22

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94 Natsuki Matsui<br />

Now I will show more examples of the difference in semantics between the three<br />

types of stative verbs. Prasithrathsint (2000) uses the example of the imperative with the<br />

auxiliary verb coŋ in the literary style as evidence to argue that predicates such as dii<br />

‘good’ are verbs.<br />

(13) a. coŋ phu�ut mi�a mii khon thǎam<br />

IMPR speak when have person ask<br />

‘Speak when somebody asks you.’ (Prasithrathsint 2000:262)<br />

b. coŋ dii thal���t-pay<br />

IMPR good forever<br />

‘Be good forever.’ (Prasithrathsint 2000:262)<br />

The following colloquial sentences, however, show a semantic difference between the<br />

sentences with eventive and stative verbs when they are employed with the particle si�. The<br />

final particle si� is used in two ways: one for an imperative sentence, and the other as an<br />

emphatic affirmative answer to a question such as ‘Do you work?’, ‘Are you drunk?’, ‘Do<br />

you know?’, and ‘Is (it) beautiful?’.<br />

(14) a. tham-ŋaan si�<br />

work FINAL PTCL.{IMPR/EMP}<br />

‘Work!’/ ‘(I) work, indeed.’<br />

b. maw si�<br />

{be/get} drunk FINAL PTCL.{IMPR/EMP}<br />

‘Get drunk!’ / ‘(I am) drunk, indeed.’<br />

c. rúu si�<br />

know FINAL PTCL.{IMPR/EMP}<br />

‘(I) know, indeed.’ (MOSTLY UNACCEPTABLE ‘Get to know!’)<br />

d. sǔay si�<br />

beautiful FINAL PTCL.{IMPR/EMP}<br />

‘Beautiful, indeed.’ (NOT ‘Be beautiful!’)<br />

As the examples in (14) show, all stative verbs are syntactically able to cooccur with the<br />

final particle si�, although there is a difference in semantics. The difference in semantics<br />

between maw ‘{be/get} drunk’, which semantically involves an inchoative/stative<br />

alternation, and the inherently stative verbs rúu ‘know’ and adjectival verb sǔay ‘beautiful’<br />

is explicit in this case. Note that sǔay ‘beautiful’ in (14d) cannot be construed as the<br />

imperative but rúu ‘know’ in (14c) may coercively have an imperative reading.<br />

Presumably, the final particle si� requires eventivity in the LCS of a head verb to produce<br />

the imperative construal. If the verb does not embrace eventivity, the outcome of the<br />

semantic composition results in an emphatic reading. 6<br />

Let us observe the next examples which display a clear difference between the verb<br />

rúu ‘know’ and the verb sǔay ‘beautiful’.<br />

6<br />

In the case that the LCS of the verb is associated to eventivity, the construal will be pragmatically<br />

determined.

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