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130 Pittayawat Pittayaporn<br />

Table 9: Etyma illustrating vowel length contrast among high vowels<br />

1. raw, not ripe<br />

2. ten<br />

3. to fly<br />

4. knife<br />

5. to pinch<br />

6. foot<br />

*-i- and *iː BT WT Shan Yong Lao Thai<br />

D1<br />

D1<br />

A1<br />

D1<br />

D1<br />

A1<br />

dip<br />

sip<br />

bin<br />

mit<br />

nip<br />

tin<br />

dip<br />

sip<br />

bin<br />

mit<br />

nip<br />

tin<br />

lip<br />

ship<br />

min<br />

mit<br />

nip<br />

tin<br />

lip<br />

sip<br />

bin<br />

miːt<br />

niːp<br />

tin<br />

dip<br />

sip<br />

bin<br />

miːt<br />

niːp<br />

tiːn<br />

dip<br />

sip<br />

bin<br />

miːt<br />

niːp<br />

tiːn<br />

*-u- and *-uː- BT WT Shan Yong Lao Thai<br />

7. cooked, ripe<br />

8. to dig<br />

9. mosquito<br />

10. loom<br />

11. to stroke<br />

12. tall<br />

D1<br />

D1<br />

A2<br />

D1<br />

D2<br />

A1<br />

suk<br />

kʰut<br />

ɲuŋ<br />

huʔ<br />

lup<br />

suŋ<br />

suk<br />

kʰut<br />

ɲuŋ<br />

huːʔ<br />

lup<br />

suŋ<br />

suk<br />

kʰut<br />

juŋ<br />

huk<br />

lup<br />

sʰuŋ<br />

suk<br />

kʰut<br />

juŋ<br />

huːk<br />

luːp<br />

suŋ<br />

suk<br />

kʰut<br />

ɲuŋ<br />

huːk<br />

luːp<br />

suːŋ<br />

suk<br />

kʰut<br />

juŋ<br />

huːk<br />

luːp<br />

suːŋ<br />

*ɯ and *ɯː BT WT Shan Yong Lao Thai<br />

13. to ascend<br />

14. to go hungry<br />

15. night<br />

16. dark<br />

17. measure from thumb to<br />

fingertip<br />

C1<br />

D1<br />

A2<br />

D2<br />

D2<br />

kʰɯn<br />

ʔɯt<br />

kɯn<br />

mɯt<br />

kɯp<br />

xɯn<br />

ʔɯt<br />

xɯn<br />

mɯt<br />

xɯp<br />

kʰɯn<br />

-<br />

kʰɯn<br />

mɯt<br />

kʰɯp<br />

kʰɯn<br />

ʔɯp<br />

ʔot<br />

kʰɯn<br />

mɯːt<br />

kʰɯːp<br />

kʰɯn<br />

ʔɯt<br />

kʰɯːn<br />

mɯːt<br />

kʰɯːp<br />

kʰɯn<br />

ʔot<br />

kʰɯːn<br />

mɯːt<br />

kʰɯːp<br />

Another piece of evidence is that in some systems where quantity is not contrastive,<br />

other aspects of their phonology indicate that length was distinctive at an earlier stage. In<br />

BT and WT, although phonemic length is limited to a, final *-k has become ʔ- in etyma<br />

that have long vowels in Yong, Lao, and Thai, e.g. ‘cooked, ripe’ and ‘loom’ above and ‘to<br />

turn over’, ‘wing’ and ‘children’ below. In addition, in TL and some other Shan dialects,<br />

checked syllables reflected with long vowels in Thai and Lao show different tonal reflexes<br />

from those that correspond to short syllables. If vowel length were not contrastive at an<br />

earlier stage, there is no explanation for the observed patterns of the tonal splits. The<br />

number following each modern form indicates tone within each sound system. In ‘tonebox’<br />

terms, in D1S forms are reflected with tone 4 while those D1L show tone 2 in TL.<br />

This is exemplified by the tonal development of the Shan dialect of Muong Khon shown in<br />

Figure 1.

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