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proto-southwestern-tai revised: a new reconstruction - seals 22

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Mulao Tone Neutralization 75<br />

While the claim that consonants are directly associated with a tone is contentious 4 , I argue<br />

that consonants and tone form a dependency relationship in the output. This proposal<br />

accounts for the co-occurrence restriction in Mulao, and it also explains consonant-tone<br />

interaction in general.<br />

Formally, consonant-tone interaction results from the requirement that all segments<br />

in the output must belong to a tonal domain, which is ensured by the markedness constraint<br />

ROOTNODE→T (RT→T). This constraint assigns violation marks to segments that do not<br />

belong to any tonal domain in the output (cf. Yip, 2002: 83).<br />

It is crucial to this proposal that there are no faithfulness constraints that preserve<br />

the dependency relationship between tone and consonants. This lack of faithfulness<br />

constraints means that tones are never contrastive on consonants. So, no language will<br />

have a contrast between [pà̀] with low tone on the [p] and [pá̀] with high tone on the [p].<br />

Consonant-tone interaction is the result of markedness constraints dominating tonal<br />

faithfulness constraints. The laryngeally marked elevator consonants affect the tone on<br />

their syllable due to the markedness constraint *ELEVATOR-L (*ELV-L). The *ELEVATOR-<br />

L constraint gives a violation mark to elevator consonants that form a dependency<br />

relationship with a low register tone in the output domain.<br />

The main points of the proposal are summarized in (3).<br />

(3) Proposal<br />

a. Consonants form a dependency relationship with tone.<br />

b. There is no faithfulness constraint that preserves tone on consonants.<br />

c. Markedness constraints<br />

i. ROOTNODE→T: All root nodes in the output should be parsed into a tonal<br />

domain.<br />

ii. *ELEVATOR-L: Elevator consonants should not be parsed into a low<br />

register tone domain.<br />

The tonal faithfulness constraints are proposed in order to specifically target tone<br />

bearing units (TBUs) that are prosodic nodes such as moras (or syllables).<br />

(4) Tonal faithfulness constraints (cf. Yip, 2002: 83)<br />

a. DEP-T The tone associated to a TBU in the output has a corresponding tone<br />

in the input.<br />

b. MAX-T The tone associated to a TBU in the input has a corresponding tone<br />

in the output.<br />

c. IDENT-T The tone associated to a TBU in the output has the same<br />

specification with the correspondent tone in the input.<br />

The representation of a syllable with an elevator onset is shown in (5). Association<br />

lines in this representation indicate the dependency relationship between tone and a<br />

segment (cf. Myers, 1997). Segments associated with the same tone in the output form a<br />

4 The dependency relationship between tone and consonants should be distinguished from the relationship<br />

between tone and prosodic nodes, which are called Tone Bearing Units (TBUs). For a discussion on TBUs<br />

being segments or prosodic nodes, see Bradshaw (1995: 267-269).

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