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Thai Eventivity & Stativity 89<br />

VERBS<br />

active stative<br />

activity achievement adjective state<br />

accomplishment open activity<br />

Figure 1: Taxonomy of verb sub-types (Enfield 2004:329, 2007:242)<br />

Enfield (2007:242-245) demonstrates subtle differences in semantics and pragmatics<br />

between “active verbs” and “stative verbs” by using the cooccurrence test on all types of<br />

verbs with aspectual markers. The irrealis markers of siø and caø and the negator bòø, for<br />

instance, can cooccur with all types of verbs all of which are directly marked, but there is a<br />

difference in semantics between active verbs (e.g., ñaang1 ‘walk’) and stative verbs (e.g.,<br />

mii2 ‘have’, suung3 ‘tall’) when they cooccur with the negator bòø.<br />

(6) a. khòòj5 bòø ñaang1<br />

1SG.P NEG walk<br />

‘I don’t/won’t walk.’ (Enfield 2007:243)<br />

b. khòòj5 bòø mii2 pùm4<br />

1SG.P NEG have book<br />

‘I don’t have a book.’<br />

c. khòòj5 bòø suung3<br />

(Enfield 2007:243)<br />

1SG.P NEG tall<br />

‘I am not tall.’ (Enfield 2007:243)<br />

Varying from the active verb in (6a), the state verb in (6b) and the adjective verb in (6c)<br />

(both of which are subclassed as stative verbs) do not give future reading with the negation<br />

marker.<br />

Let us now turn to Thai predicates. In Thai, some predicates also seem to be less<br />

preferable than other verbs when they are marked with aspectual markers such as dây (an<br />

achievement marker) and kamlaŋ (a progressive marker).<br />

(7) a. fâay {dây /kamlaŋ} tham-ŋaan<br />

Faay ACHV PROG work<br />

‘Faay {worked/is working}.’<br />

b. fâay {dây /?kamlaŋ} rúu<br />

Faay ACHV PROG know<br />

‘Faay {got to know/knows}.’

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