proto-southwestern-tai revised: a new reconstruction - seals 22

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120 Pittayawat Pittayaporn phonology. I then proceed to discuss important features of the proposed sound system of PSWT that have implications for the reconstruction of Proto-Tai (PT). 2 Reconstructing PSWT phonology Although the reconstruction put forward here agrees largely with those of Li (1977), Sarawit (1973) and Jonsson (1991), it differs in some very crucial aspects. In this section, I first briefly review earlier proposals on the reconstruction of PSWT, then provide some methodological notes, and, lastly, discuss the claims made about the PSWT phonology. 2.1 Review of earlier reconstructions All earlier PSWT reconstructions agree that PSWT had five places of articulation among consonants: labial, alveolar, palatal, velar, and glottal. Except for the glottal series, these places show four contrastive phonation-types: aspirated voiceless, unaspirated voiceless, glottalized voiced, and plain voiced. Regarding the vowel system, all these proposals posit systems that contrast frontness/backness as well as lip rounding at three vowel heights. As for PSWT tones, they also agree that the three-way tonal contrast of PT was retained at the PSWT level and that tonal splits had not occurred. A comparison between the different systems can be found in Appendix A. As is the case for PT, Li (1977) is also the standard reconstruction for PSWT. Although his main concern in this monumental work is the reconstruction of PT, he also provides reconstructions for the three subgroups he proposes. In this reconstruction, PSWT can be characterized as PT with a reduced phonemic inventory resulting from mergers of initials and vowels. One important development from PT to PSWT is the introduction of length contrast in high vowels *i/*iː, *ɯ/ɯː and *u/*uː by regular sound changes. Sarawit (1973) is another important attempt at reconstructing the PT vowel system. She modifies the system of initials proposed in an earlier work by Li (1954) and reconstructs the vowel system of each of the three branches. Though different in minor details, her PSWT vocalism is very similar to that of Li (1977) Two other available reconstructions of PSWT are those of Brown (1965) and Jonsson (1991). Brown’s “Ancient Thai” corresponds roughly to PSWT in Li (1960)’s model but only includes varieties spoken in Thailand and adjacent areas. Varieties in Vietnam such as Black Tai and White Tai are not included. This reconstruction is different markedly from the first two with respect to vowel length. Specifically, in this system, contrastive vowel length is not limited to high vowels. The most recent reconstruction is that by Jonsson (1991), which is the only work that deals primarily with PSWT. In contrast to Brown (1965), the only length contrast in this system is that of *a and *aː. As for the consonant system, this reconstruction is almost identical to that of Li (1977). As a point of departure, the PSWT inventory of initials and vowels given in Li (1977) is summarized in Table 1. The reconstruction put forward in this paper supports many of the basic positions outlined above, but it also makes some new claims about the sound system of PSWT. Specifically, I argue that 1) there was a distinct series of uvular consonants in PSWT, 2) there is no evidence for clusters *pʰr/l-, *kʰl-, ʔbr- and *mr- at the PSWT level, 3) a mid back unrounded vowel *ɤ must be reconstructed, and 4) vowel length was contrastive in PSWT. As a point of departure, the PSWT inventory of initials and vowels proposed here is summarized in Table 1, Table 2, and Table 3.
Proto-Southwestern Thai 121 Table 1: PSWT simple consonants stops fricatives nasals liquids glides labial alveolar palatal velar uvular glottal *pʰ- *p- *ˀb- *b- *tʰ- *t- *ˀd- *d- *c- *ɟ- *kʰ- *k- *g- *q- *ʔ- *f- *s- *x- *χ- *h- *v- *z- *ɣ- *ʰm- *m- *ʰw- *w- Table 2: PSWT initial clusters C+l C+r C+w *ʰn- *n- *ʰr- *r- *ʰl- *l- *ʰɲ- *ɲ- *ˀj- *j- *ʰŋ- *ŋ- labial alveolar palatal velar uvular glottal *pl- *kl- *ˀbl- *bl- *ml- *gl- *kʰr *br- *gr- *kʰw- *kw- *gw- *ɣw- *ŋw- *qw-
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JSEALS Journal of the Southeast Asi
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Aspect Marking And Modality In Chil
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CONTACT-INDUCED CHANGE? REGISTER IN
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Contact Induced Change? 3 the other
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Contact Induced Change? 5 of Châu
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Contact Induced Change? 7 The origi
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Contact Induced Change? 9 There is
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Contact Induced Change? 11 3. Resul
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Contact Induced Change? 13 Figure 2
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Contact Induced Change? 15 Figure 3
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Contact Induced Change? 17 To sum u
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Contact Induced Change? 19 speakers
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Contact Induced Change? 21 Referenc
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A MINIMALIST APPROACH TO AMIS 1 VOI
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Amis Voice Markers 25 1.2.3 Pearson
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Amis Voice Markers 27 vP Causer/Age
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Amis Voice Markers 29 sounds and me
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Amis Voice Markers 31 (6) a.*patay-
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Amis Voice Markers 33 (12) ma4-pata
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Amis Voice Markers 35 verbs, includ
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IDENTIFYING PREPOSITIONS IN THAI Ki
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Thai Prepositions 39 d. kɨ̀ɨ dâ
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Thai Prepositions 41 Verb: kin ‘t
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Thai Prepositions 43 Verb: sɨ́ɨ
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Thai Prepositions 45 (23) a. raw y
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Thai Prepositions 47 e. kháw maa m
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Thai Prepositions 49 B: yùu / klâ
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Thai Prepositions 51 ‘with’, k
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54 Mathias Jenny (2) Old Mon (Shwei
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56 Mathias Jenny reference. Sentenc
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58 Mathias Jenny goḥ, goh, goḥh
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60 Mathias Jenny Recognitional demo
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62 Mathias Jenny Table 4: Basic dem
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64 Mathias Jenny some regularity in
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66 Mathias Jenny (23) kla tɤʔ si
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68 Mathias Jenny Unidentifiable: an
Page 76 and 77: 70 Mathias Jenny Mon, the particle
Page 79 and 80: TONE NEUTRALIZATION DUE TO CONSONAN
Page 81 and 82: Mulao Tone Neutralization 75 While
Page 83 and 84: Mulao Tone Neutralization 77 (7) To
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Page 89 and 90: Mulao Tone Neutralization 83 6 Conc
Page 91 and 92: EVENTIVITY AND STATIVITY IN THAI VE
Page 93 and 94: Thai Eventivity & Stativity 87 Pras
Page 95 and 96: Thai Eventivity & Stativity 89 VERB
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Page 103 and 104: Thai Eventivity & Stativity 97 and
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Page 107 and 108: Thai Eventivity & Stativity 101 has
Page 109 and 110: Thai Eventivity & Stativity 103 Ack
Page 111 and 112: VIETNAMESE PASSIVE SENTENCES FROM A
Page 113 and 114: Vietnamese Passive 107 Lê Xuân Th
Page 115 and 116: Vietnamese Passive 109 (especially
Page 117 and 118: Vietnamese Passive 111 - The subjec
Page 119 and 120: Vietnamese Passive 113 3. Different
Page 121 and 122: Vietnamese Passive 115 appear in th
Page 123 and 124: Vietnamese Passive 117 Cao Xuân H
Page 125: PROTO-SOUTHWESTERN-TAI REVISED: A N
Page 129 and 130: Proto-Southwestern Thai 123 2.3 Unc
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Page 135 and 136: Proto-Southwestern Thai 129 outcome
Page 137 and 138: Proto-Southwestern Thai 131 Figure
Page 139 and 140: Proto-Southwestern Thai 133 Table 1
Page 141 and 142: Proto-Southwestern Thai 135 Althoug
Page 143 and 144: Proto-Southwestern Thai 137 Appendi
Page 145 and 146: Proto-Southwestern Thai 139 Pittaya
Page 147 and 148: Proto-Southwestern Thai 141 Referen
Page 149: Proto-Southwestern Thai 143 Thisaph
Page 152 and 153: 146 Amara Prasithrathsint surprised
Page 154 and 155: 148 Amara Prasithrathsint (17) pho
Page 156 and 157: 150 Amara Prasithrathsint 2.2.1 Dir
Page 158 and 159: 152 Amara Prasithrathsint 2.3 Overl
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Page 162 and 163: 156 Amara Prasithrathsint บํา
Page 164 and 165: 158 Amara Prasithrathsint ระบ
Page 166 and 167: 160 Amara Prasithrathsint ตั้
Page 168 and 169: 162 Sorabud Rungrojsuwan nɔ̌ɔŋ
Page 170 and 171: 164 Sorabud Rungrojsuwan 3. Methodo
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170 Sorabud Rungrojsuwan in section
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172 Sorabud Rungrojsuwan expanded a
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174
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176 Kiyoko Takahashi 1 Introduction
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178 Kiyoko Takahashi I would like t
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180 Kiyoko Takahashi (16) Talmy’s
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182 Kiyoko Takahashi (21) fəərîi
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184 Kiyoko Takahashi CAUSE CHANGE S
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186 Kiyoko Takahashi Table 2: Linea
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188 Kiyoko Takahashi this syntactic
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190 Kiyoko Takahashi preposition’
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192 Kiyoko Takahashi References Bis
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DATA PAPERS / REPORTS / NOTES A PRE
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Ende Phonology 197 1993). Nakagawa
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Ende Phonology 199 velar implosive
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Ende Phonology 201 / n d/ ~ /d/ nde
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Ende Phonology 203 /s/ ~ /t/ so'o /
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Ende Phonology 205 2.1.1.6 Approxim
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Ende Phonology 207 /�/ ~ /ɾ/ rh
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Ende Phonology 209 2.1.2.4 The /o/
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Ende Phonology 211 Table 2.5: Sylla
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Ende Phonology 213 b. 'embu tegu=ka
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Ende Phonology 215 2.3.3.3 Lenition
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Ende Phonology 217 Djawanai, Stepha
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Ende Phonology 219 Appendix I - End
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Ende Phonology 221 75 year iwa [ˈi
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Ende Phonology 223 160 to suck miso
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Ende Phonology 225 246 to live muri
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ASPECT MARKING AND MODALITY IN CHIL
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Child Vietnamese 229 The -i affix i
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Child Vietnamese 231 1.1 Purpose an
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Child Vietnamese 233 Table 3: Gener
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Child Vietnamese 235 utterances con
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Child Vietnamese 237 Eventivity Con
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Child Vietnamese 239 Table 9: Share
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242 Songgot Paanchiangwong of inter
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244 Songgot Paanchiangwong Note, ho
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JSEALS style guide for authors Pape
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