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proto-southwestern-tai revised: a new reconstruction - seals 22

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Vietnamese Passive 109<br />

(especially in the cases where the predicate is a transitive verb). If the subjects are so<br />

prevalent, and the majority of transitive constructions also have subjects (which may be<br />

topical or non-topical), there is no reason why the “passiveness” should be considered<br />

absent or marginal. Moreover, it should be noted that Ch. N. Li & S. A. Thompson do not<br />

absolutely exclude the passive voice from topic-prominent languages, they just do not<br />

consider it a typical passive voice, i.e. it is not “purely morphological” passive voice as it<br />

is in Indo-European languages.<br />

Because of the typological characteristics of the Vietnamese language as an<br />

isolating language, its grammatical categories in general and “passiveness” in particular do<br />

not have morphological markings. Dyvik (1984) came to the conclusion that if “subject” is<br />

acknowledged as a part of a sentence in Vietnamese, it is not as clear as the subject in<br />

Indo-European languages, because grammatical properties of the subject in Vietnamese are<br />

more abstract. Just as the subject, “passiveness” could only be identified by more<br />

“abstract” criteria. In other words, both “subject” and “passiveness” occur in Vietnamese<br />

although not as clearly distinguished as in Indo-European languages (p.7-12).<br />

With regards to the third point which is related to the syntactic functions and<br />

meanings of được, bị, we have not considered the fact that these words are grammatically<br />

important and to some extent have lexical meanings to exclude their function as passive<br />

markers if we look at this issue from the viewpoint of grammaticalization.<br />

- Grammatically, Nguyễn Kim Thản (1977), Nguyễn Minh Thuyết (1976), Nguyễn<br />

Thị Ảnh (2000) and Cao Xuân Hạo (2001) all consider that được, bị are not function words<br />

used to mark “passiveness” but modal verbs, or even lexical verbs occupying the central<br />

role in predicates. Dyvik (1984), in contrast, tries to prove that được, bị are gradually<br />

losing their roles as main verbs, becoming auxiliaries marking “passiveness”. Mainly<br />

agreeing with Dyvik, we suggest that even if được, bị play the central grammatical role in<br />

predicates as stated by some researchers, that does not mean these words can not function<br />

as passive markers. This is similar to the passive auxiliaries of passive sentences in English<br />

(be), in French (être), or in Russian (byt'). An auxiliary like be has almost no semantic role<br />

in creating the lexical meaning of a passive state which results from the form of the<br />

transitive verb (the past participle), but plays the central grammatical role in the predicate<br />

of passive sentences. The evidence is that this role is fulfilled by the auxiliary be, and not<br />

the past participle, is the morphological agreement in person and number with the subject<br />

of a passive sentence. Thus, grammatically the auxiliary verb be is not different from a<br />

main verb in the predicate of active sentences. Yet this does not impede it from being a<br />

passive marker.<br />

- Semantically, được and bị indeed still carry the meaning of “enjoy” or “suffer”.<br />

However, even this semantic feature does not prohibit them from being passive markers if<br />

we consider được, bị to be undergoing the process of grammaticalization. Nguyễn Tài Cẩn<br />

(1978) considers that “bị” has shifted from a morpheme to a word, and from a lexical word<br />

to grammatical one. Đinh Văn Đức (1986: 118-19) offers more de<strong>tai</strong>led explanations about<br />

the grammaticalization of được, bị and the relationships between their grammatical<br />

meaning of passiveness and their modal meanings:

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