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ties that bind - sep 11

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In addition, there was a confidence in the justness of Britain’s cause <strong>that</strong> helped<br />

inspire an even greater sense of Muslim support for the King. One father told his<br />

son: ‘We believe <strong>that</strong> our King George the V [sic], will secure victory, because<br />

whatever he does, is done according to right, and he is fighting this war for the<br />

cause of right and justice’. 66 Significantly, <strong>that</strong> letter was written in 1916, well<br />

after the Ottoman Empire entered the conflict against Britain and began<br />

imploring Muslims to revolt. It reveals <strong>that</strong> Muslim commitment was continuous<br />

during the war and remained undiminished, even when circumstances were<br />

difficult. The conviction of Muslim soldiers in the validity of Britain’s cause was<br />

further demonstrated through their eulogising of fallen comrades. A letter from a<br />

Ressaidar – a mid-level rank in the cavalry and armoured units of the Indian Army<br />

– to the father of a man killed at Cambrai read:<br />

Your son is a hero who has given his life for his King. He is not dead; he lives forever. He has<br />

gone straight to Paradise, because <strong>that</strong> is the reward of death in the field of battle in the service<br />

of the King. He has in fact achieved in an instant <strong>that</strong> which saints can only hope to secure<br />

after many years of trial. Earthly love is a small thing compared with the joys of Paradise. 67<br />

Military service also gave significance to Indian Muslim identity in nationalist politics.<br />

Muslim leaders would continually point to the high number of Muslims in the Indian<br />

Army when negotiating with British officials and used it to safeguard their position<br />

within Indian society against perceived threats from the Hindu majority. 68 Military<br />

wages also helped fund the building of mosques, seminaries and Sufi shrines<br />

throughout the Punjab and NWFP, and allowed those from otherwise peasant<br />

backgrounds to fund Hajj pilgrimages to Makkah and Madinah. 69<br />

None of <strong>that</strong> mattered in the trenches, where the Indian Army had to pay<br />

particularly close attention to ways of maintaining the morale of Indian<br />

servicemen. One of the ways to achieve this was to ensure <strong>that</strong>, despite wartime<br />

food shortages, the different religious requirements of all the soldiers were<br />

observed. Some Jewish servicemen ate Kosher, including those from the Zion<br />

Mule Corps <strong>that</strong> fought in Gallipoli from 1915-16 and the HM Judeans (Royal<br />

Fusiliers) who served in Palestine from 1917-19; 70 Muslims ate halal; neither<br />

Jews nor Muslims ate pork; Hindus did not eat beef and the Brahmin were<br />

vegetarian. 71 To make things harder, many of the men would only eat food<br />

prepared by their own caste, and with halal meats there were additional rituals<br />

which had to be observed to bless the slaughter. Although each Indian regiment<br />

had been responsible for employing its own cooks prior to the war, the Indian<br />

government now administered this centrally to ensure <strong>that</strong> cooks were sent where<br />

needed. Whenever temporary supply problems arose, meaning <strong>that</strong> the specific<br />

dietary requirements of the men could not be accommodated, they were supplied<br />

with a basic ration of rice, chappatis, lentils and vegetables.<br />

However, the Indian Army’s determined commitment to meet the dietary<br />

requirements of its men was widely appreciated – as revealed in David Omissi’s<br />

authoritative collection of <strong>sep</strong>oys’ letters. ‘Believe me <strong>that</strong> they honour one of our<br />

soldiers to an extent of which we are not – and never could be – worthy’, wrote<br />

one <strong>sep</strong>oy. 72 Another told his parents: ‘We are spending our days most<br />

comfortably here. We have every convenience for living and the best of food. In<br />

fact we are better off than we were in Rawalpindi!’ 73<br />

Muslims in the World Wars<br />

66 Punjabi Musalman from<br />

France, to Kashmir, 6th March<br />

1916, Censor of Indian Mails<br />

1914-1918, L/MIL/5/828/328,<br />

IOR, BL, London<br />

67 Report based on statistics from<br />

December 1st 1917 to 20th<br />

March 1918, Censor of Indian<br />

Mails 1914-1918,<br />

L/MIL/5/828/170-175, IOR, BL,<br />

London<br />

68 Muhammad Saleem Ahmad,<br />

The All India Muslim League: a<br />

history of the growth and<br />

consolidation of political<br />

organisation (Pakistan, 1988);<br />

Also see: Yuvaraj Deva Prasad,<br />

The Indian Muslims and World<br />

War I: a phase of disillusionment<br />

with British rule, 1914-1918 (New<br />

Delhi, 1985)<br />

69 Omissi, The Sepoy and the Raj,<br />

p.98<br />

70 Martin Watts, The Jewish<br />

Legion and the First World War,<br />

(London, 2004). Consultations<br />

also with the Jewish Military<br />

Museum, AJEX – Assoc of Jewish<br />

Ex-Servicemen & Women.<br />

71 Corrigan, Sepoys in the<br />

Trenches<br />

72 Shah Nawaz (Hindustani<br />

Muslim) to Signaller Daiyad Abdul<br />

Shah (Shahpur, Allahbad, UP), 1<br />

September 1915 (135)., in David<br />

Omissi, Indian voices of the Great<br />

War: solders' letters, 1914-18<br />

(New York, 1999)<br />

73 Mohammed Zabu Shah to<br />

Abdul Salam Shah (Farrukhabad,<br />

United Provinces) 28 November<br />

1916 (449) in David Omissi, Indian<br />

voices of the Great War: solders'<br />

letters, 1914-18 (New York, 1999)<br />

policyexchange.org.uk | 25

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