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Ties <strong>that</strong> Bind<br />
191 Judith Brown, Modern India:<br />
the origins of an Asian democracy<br />
(Oxford, 1992) p.324<br />
46 | policyexchange.org.uk<br />
difficult than the government had expected – and worried also by Japanese military<br />
success – a committee was despatched from Whitehall to the subcontinent in the<br />
hope of enlisting greater Indian support for the war effort. Led by Sir Stafford Cripps,<br />
historians are divided over the precise terms of reference his mission was afforded<br />
and whether he was actually authorised to promise India Dominion status in return<br />
for its support.<br />
Such promises were not new. Many Congress leaders were wary and Gandhi<br />
reponded by offering the government an ultimatum – immediate-self rule in<br />
return for their support. When the government refused, Gandhi launched the<br />
Quit India movement, a renewed campaign of national civil disobedience.<br />
Meanwhile the Japanese Imperial Army had just triumphed in Singapore and<br />
was busy amassing troops on the Burmese border. The demise of the Raj seemed<br />
imminent, inspiring nationalist leaders Subhas Chandra Bose and Mohan Singh<br />
to create the Indian National Army – a paramilitary force known colloquially as<br />
the Azad Hind Fauj.<br />
Yet the government of India was ready for this. It swiftly crushed the Quit India<br />
movement by imprisoning Congress leaders from the outset, thereby cutting off<br />
the brains of the movement in the incipient phase of rebellion. It was not allowed<br />
to take root anywhere – in the way <strong>that</strong> previous campaigns such as<br />
Non-Cooperation and Salt Satyagraha had. This meant <strong>that</strong> Quit India was<br />
confined to localised disturbances and lacked national coordination. To ensure<br />
<strong>that</strong> trouble did not flare up anywhere, over fifty battalions of troops were also<br />
deployed to smother any trouble. Of course, there were some momentary losses<br />
of control; but given the pressures facing the Raj, a remarkable degree of grip was<br />
maintained. Indeed, the Viceroy grew so sure of his ability to manage any unrest<br />
<strong>that</strong> he told London, ‘the present regime could carry on quite comfortably till the<br />
end of the war...it was this knowledge and the fear <strong>that</strong> we should do so which<br />
was making the intellectuals so bitter’. 191<br />
Recruiting for war and military modernisation<br />
Indian troops were not immediately called up following the outbreak of war,<br />
although Linlithgow had been quick to declare <strong>that</strong> India was ready to support<br />
British campaigns wherever necessary. It had seemed unimaginable to anyone in<br />
India <strong>that</strong> the subcontinent should become embroiled in yet another World War.<br />
When General Sir Robert Cassels, Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army,<br />
inquired what support the British government wanted from India in September<br />
1939, the reply came <strong>that</strong> it was unlikely Indian troops would be needed at all<br />
during the conflict. Aside from three mule transport companies led by Punjabi<br />
Muslims which were shipped to France, there were no immediate plans to draft<br />
extra recruits or even to mobilise existing battalions.<br />
Neglect after the Great War meant <strong>that</strong> the Indian Army, though one of the most<br />
professional outside Europe, was drastically under-equipped by contemporary<br />
standards. In 1939 there were only 189,000 men enlisted in the Army, of whom<br />
65,000 were not battle-ready. The fighting force consisted of 82 infantry<br />
battalions, coupled with a further 37 from the British Army. Two more were based<br />
in Hong Kong and another two in Singapore. A typical battalion consisted of 662<br />
men, including 12 officers and 17 VCOs (Viceroy’s Commissioned Officer).<br />
Within each battalion was a central headquarters company which contained an