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ties that bind - sep 11

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Ties <strong>that</strong> Bind<br />

265 CAB/66/58/25, National<br />

Archives, London<br />

266 Ibid.<br />

267 Ibid.<br />

268 Ibid.<br />

58 | policyexchange.org.uk<br />

This underscored the symbiotic relationship between Muslims and the Raj. Yet not<br />

everyone was happy about it. For many provincial leaders the constant jockeying<br />

for position between different par<strong>ties</strong> on the national stage – including the<br />

Muslim League and Indian National Congress – only inflamed communal tension<br />

in their municipali<strong>ties</strong>, leaving them to bear the brunt of any violence <strong>that</strong><br />

followed. A letter from the Punjabi Muslim leader, Nawaz Malik Khizar Hayat<br />

Khan, to Sir James Grigg, Secretary of State for War, chastised him for placing such<br />

a premium on those groups.<br />

The popularity of Congress is confined to certain sections of the people. Its strength is based<br />

largely on the wealth of many of its members and its popularity has been earned by the<br />

preaching, in season and out of season, of hatred of Britain. Alien rule is distasteful to every<br />

country and community and Congress has cheap popularity by exploiting this distaste to the<br />

full. It has made full use of the opportuni<strong>ties</strong> afforded by the lack of firmness and determination<br />

on the part of an administration which has always retreated before the demands of this<br />

vociferous minority. For all its claims to the contrary, the Congress had done nothing to promote<br />

the welfare of the masses. 265<br />

He was similarly scathing about the Muslim League which (much like the<br />

Congress)he regarded as being a largely urban phenomenon safeguarding the<br />

particular interests of the industrialised elite. He therefore concluded, ‘it cannot<br />

be assumed <strong>that</strong> these organisations represent the classes whose cause [they]<br />

plead’. 266 Instead, he advocated sidelining the Congress and League to directly<br />

empower those<br />

enlisted and loyalist classes who have supported the war effort [who] have many interests in<br />

common irrespective of community...they should be given an effective voice in any discussions<br />

on the solution of the present deadlock and of India’s future constitution. At the peace conference<br />

which will meet after the War, those powers who have risked all to defeat the common enemy<br />

will have a deciding voice in solving international problems – not those who have stood aside<br />

from the struggle or opposed the allies. That principle should apply to India also. Those who have<br />

worked hard and loyally <strong>that</strong> India might play a worthy part in the struggle, should be listened<br />

to and not those who have stood apart from and sabotaged India’s war effort. 267<br />

He explained <strong>that</strong> ‘the loyalists are no less anxious for self government than the<br />

non-cooperators, but they understand the value of, and desire to preserve, the<br />

British connection and to see India as a free and equal partner of the British<br />

Commonwealth of Nations. They have shown they love their country by their<br />

deeds and not by the declamation of empty phrases’. 268<br />

By the end of the war <strong>that</strong> commitment and sacrifice meant independence for<br />

India was now inevitable. Following the Japanese surrender on 14 August 1945,<br />

the Secretary of State for India and Burma, Lord Pethick-Lawrence, despatched a<br />

telegram to the Viceroy, Viscount Wavell, expressing his gratitude for India’s<br />

contribution to the war effort:<br />

‘At this moment when the Allied cause has achieved its final triumph in the defeat of Japan it<br />

is my privilege to convey to you the congratulations of His Majesty’s Government on the truly<br />

magnificent part which India has played. We in this country are deeply conscious of the vital

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