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Ties <strong>that</strong> Bind<br />
265 CAB/66/58/25, National<br />
Archives, London<br />
266 Ibid.<br />
267 Ibid.<br />
268 Ibid.<br />
58 | policyexchange.org.uk<br />
This underscored the symbiotic relationship between Muslims and the Raj. Yet not<br />
everyone was happy about it. For many provincial leaders the constant jockeying<br />
for position between different par<strong>ties</strong> on the national stage – including the<br />
Muslim League and Indian National Congress – only inflamed communal tension<br />
in their municipali<strong>ties</strong>, leaving them to bear the brunt of any violence <strong>that</strong><br />
followed. A letter from the Punjabi Muslim leader, Nawaz Malik Khizar Hayat<br />
Khan, to Sir James Grigg, Secretary of State for War, chastised him for placing such<br />
a premium on those groups.<br />
The popularity of Congress is confined to certain sections of the people. Its strength is based<br />
largely on the wealth of many of its members and its popularity has been earned by the<br />
preaching, in season and out of season, of hatred of Britain. Alien rule is distasteful to every<br />
country and community and Congress has cheap popularity by exploiting this distaste to the<br />
full. It has made full use of the opportuni<strong>ties</strong> afforded by the lack of firmness and determination<br />
on the part of an administration which has always retreated before the demands of this<br />
vociferous minority. For all its claims to the contrary, the Congress had done nothing to promote<br />
the welfare of the masses. 265<br />
He was similarly scathing about the Muslim League which (much like the<br />
Congress)he regarded as being a largely urban phenomenon safeguarding the<br />
particular interests of the industrialised elite. He therefore concluded, ‘it cannot<br />
be assumed <strong>that</strong> these organisations represent the classes whose cause [they]<br />
plead’. 266 Instead, he advocated sidelining the Congress and League to directly<br />
empower those<br />
enlisted and loyalist classes who have supported the war effort [who] have many interests in<br />
common irrespective of community...they should be given an effective voice in any discussions<br />
on the solution of the present deadlock and of India’s future constitution. At the peace conference<br />
which will meet after the War, those powers who have risked all to defeat the common enemy<br />
will have a deciding voice in solving international problems – not those who have stood aside<br />
from the struggle or opposed the allies. That principle should apply to India also. Those who have<br />
worked hard and loyally <strong>that</strong> India might play a worthy part in the struggle, should be listened<br />
to and not those who have stood apart from and sabotaged India’s war effort. 267<br />
He explained <strong>that</strong> ‘the loyalists are no less anxious for self government than the<br />
non-cooperators, but they understand the value of, and desire to preserve, the<br />
British connection and to see India as a free and equal partner of the British<br />
Commonwealth of Nations. They have shown they love their country by their<br />
deeds and not by the declamation of empty phrases’. 268<br />
By the end of the war <strong>that</strong> commitment and sacrifice meant independence for<br />
India was now inevitable. Following the Japanese surrender on 14 August 1945,<br />
the Secretary of State for India and Burma, Lord Pethick-Lawrence, despatched a<br />
telegram to the Viceroy, Viscount Wavell, expressing his gratitude for India’s<br />
contribution to the war effort:<br />
‘At this moment when the Allied cause has achieved its final triumph in the defeat of Japan it<br />
is my privilege to convey to you the congratulations of His Majesty’s Government on the truly<br />
magnificent part which India has played. We in this country are deeply conscious of the vital