THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 27Given industries’ economic clout, ranging from honoraria paid to members tocampaign contributions, one might expect that lobbyists could have freelyworked their will in the legislative process. But business lobbying is rarely, ifever, united, since competitive pressures cut in many different directions. (135)ECONOMIC ELITE THEORYWhile plural elite theorists describe how individual corporate decision makersdominate specific and narrow policy areas, economic elite theorists contendthat these corporate decision makers, along with other individuals ofwealth, develop and impose broadly construed policies on the state. Additionally,while plural elite theory views the business community as sociallyand politically fragmented, proponents of the economic elite model hold thatthe owners and leadership of this community can be most aptly characterizedas composing a coherent social and political unit or class.As I noted in the preceding chapter, Clyde Barrow (1993) points outthat “typically, members of the capitalist class [or the economic elite] areidentified as those persons who manage [major] corporations and/or ownthose corporations.” He adds that this group composes no more than 0.5 to1.0 percent of the total U.S. population (17). 6 This group as a whole is theupper class and the upper echelon of the corporate or business community.The resource that members of the economic elite possess that allows them toexercise a high level of influence over government institutions is wealth. Thewealth and income of the economic elite allow it to accumulate superioramounts of other valuable resources, such as social status, deference, prestige,organization, campaign finance, lobbying, political access, and legal and scientificexpertise (Barrow 1993, 16).Within the economic elite model, despite the segmentation of the economicelite along lines that are related to their material holdings, most policydifferences that arise due to differences in economic interests can and aremediated. There are social and organizational mechanisms that exist thatallow business leaders to resolve difficulties that develop within a particularsegment and between different segments of the corporate community. Forspecific industries, or for disagreements between different industries, trade orbusiness associations can serve as organizations to mediate corporate conflict.Social institutions, such as social and country clubs, can also serve as meansthrough which to develop political consensus among the upper echelon ofthe business community on various economic, political, and social issues(Domhoff 1974). Michael Useem (1984), based on his extensive study oflarge American and British corporations, argues that corporate directors whohold membership on more than one board of directors tend to serve as ameans through which the corporate community achieves consensus on variouspolitical issues (also see Mintz and Schwartz 1985).
28THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONOn broad issues, such as air pollution, business leaders are also able toarrive at policy agreement and consensus through “policy-planning networks.”According to G. William Domhoff, the policy-planning network iscomposed of four major components: policy discussion groups, foundations,think tanks, and university research institutes. This network’s budget, in largepart, is drawn directly from the corporate community. Furthermore, many ofthe directors and trustees of the organizations that comprise this policy-planningnetwork are often drawn directly from the upper echelons of the corporatecommunity and from the upper class. These trustees and directors, inturn, help set the general direction of the policy-planning organizations, aswell as directly choose the individuals that manage the day-to-day operationof these organizations (Domhoff 2002, chap. 4).Domhoff describes the political behavior of those members of the economicelite that manage and operate within the policy-planning network:The policy-formation process is the means by which the power elite formulatespolicy on larger issues. It is within the organizations of the policy-planningnetwork that the various special interests join together to forge, however,slowly and gropingly, the general policies that will benefit them as awhole. It is within the policy process that the various sectors of the businesscommunity transcend their interest-group consciousness and develop anoverall class consciousness. (Domhoff 1978a, 61)Therefore, those members of the economic elite that operate within the policy-planningnetwork take on a broad perspective, and act on behalf of theeconomic elite as a whole. Within this policy-planning network, members ofthe economic elite take general positions on such issues as foreign policy, economicpolicy, business regulation, environmental policy, and defense policyquestions (Weinstein 1968; Eakins 1969; 1972; Kolko 1977; Domhoff 1978a,chap. 4; 2002, chap. 4; Barrow 1993, chap. 1; Gonzalez 2001a; 2001b).This broad perspective also allows the policy-planning network todevelop plans and positions to deal with other groups and classes. The network,for example, develops positions and plans concerning such policy areasas welfare and education. These plans can take several forms depending onthe scope and level of the problems facing the business community and thestate (Weinstein 1968; Eakins 1972; Domhoff 1978a; 1990; 1996; 2002; Barrow1990; 1992; 1993, chap. 1; Dowie 2001; Cyphers 2002; Roelofs 2003).Domhoff argues that the focal point in the policy-planning network isthe policy discussion group. The other components of the policy-planningnetwork—foundations, think tanks, and university research institutes—generally provide original research, policy specialists, and ideas to the policydiscussion groups (Domhoff 1978a, 63). Policy discussion groups arelargely composed of members from the corporate community and the upperclass. Examples of policy discussion groups are the Council on Foreign Rela-
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BibliographyAcher, Robin. 2001. “
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 119Brienes, Marvin. 19
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