THE RISE OF THE AUTOMOBILE 59beginning in 1914, a group of community builders from NAREB’s CityPlanning Committee exchanged ideas with the landscape architects, civilengineers, architects and lawyers who predominated in the National Conferenceof City Planning (NCCP), founded in 1909. Together, these communitybuilders and NCCP activists worked to promote planning legislationamong other entrepreneurs, in the real estate industry, to the generalpublic, and within the state and local governments. (Weiss 1987, 56)Large land developers sought to shape public policies on land use issues because:Private developers who scrupulously planned and regulated their own subdivisionsneeded the planning and regulation of the surrounding private andpublic land in order to maintain cost efficiencies and transportation accessibilityand to ensure a stable and high-quality, long-term environment fortheir prospective property owners. (4)A central objective of large developers in championing urban planningduring the early twentieth century was to accommodate the automobile.Weiss points out that one of the key factors in prompting large scale communitybuilding and the subsequent drive for private and public urban planningwas “the increasing availability of private automobiles for upper- andmiddle-income [home] purchasers” (62). Hence, the accommodation of theautomobile in urban and suburban areas, as well as building homes that couldaccommodate automobiles, became central to reorganizing urban areas andorganizing new suburbs (Barrett 1983; Weiss 1987; Hise 1997).Land developers in the Los Angeles region led the way in the urban planningfield. Its sparse population, the fact that developers could purchase largetracts of land relatively inexpensively, and the sprawled out trolley system,meant that Los Angeles was an ideal area to launch large-scale communitydevelopments by individual developers. As a result, many of the urban planningtechniques and public policies discussed by Weiss were initially developedand applied in Los Angeles (Weiss 1987; Hise 1997).With Los Angeles developers at the cutting edge of community developmentmethods, they were quick to see the profit potential in the automobile,and planned and developed accordingly. As a result, the mass production ofthe automobile, and the urban planning methods developed and politicallysponsored by large developers to accommodate the automobile, profoundlyaffected Los Angeles. Foster (1975) points out thatwhile the trolley promoters established a number of subdivisions milesfrom the downtown area, they had developed only a tiny fraction of theland in the Los Angeles area by 1920. Pre–World War [I] residents were sodependent upon the trolley for transportation that developers made fewattempts to promote single-family homesites more than a half-mile fromthe lines. (476)
60THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONThe declining expense of the automobile and the growing public confidencein it (Flink 1975; 1990), however, “exerted a dramatic effect on the remoteareas which were not so well served by the trolleys.” Foster explains that:The development of the San Fernando Valley during the 1920s was, perhaps,the most spectacular example. The real estate boom of the 1920switnessed the promotion of thousands of lots, many located miles fromthe nearest trolley lines. The Encino tract, opened in 1923, containedseveral hundred single-family homesites. The development was locatedon the southwest corner of Balboa and Ventura boulevards, two milesfrom the nearest red [trolley] car stop. The Girard tract—which containedseveral thousand single-family homesites—was situated even furtherfrom the trolley lines, the nearest line being almost three miles distant.These were but two of the many subdivisions opened during the1920s in the valley where residents generally relied upon the automobilefor their transportation. (477)By the end of the 1920s, the Los Angeles area had become the U.S.region most adapted to the automobile, whereby “residents of Los Angelespurchased more automobiles per capita than did residents of any other city inthe country.” During this period, “there were two automobiles for every fiveresidents in Los Angeles, compared to one for every four residents in Detroit,the next most ‘automobile oriented’ American city” (Foster 1975, 483). Historiansof Los Angeles take these statistics to assume a particular affinityamong the city’s residents for the automobile (e.g., Fogelson 1967; Foster1975; Bottles 1987). A more likely cause, however, for the relatively highlevel of automobile ownership in Los Angeles is that much of the new affordablehousing stock was being constructed in areas only accessible by automobile.Moreover, as businesses responded to the increasing mobility of suburbanresidents, employment, retail outlets, and services were increasinglyoffered away from areas serviced by trolleys (Fogelson 1967; 2001; Foster1975; Hise 1997; 2001). This created further incentives for Los Angeles residentsto obtain an automobile.While the sprawl produced by the combination of the automobile andsuburban planning techniques had its earliest manifestation in Los Angeles,other North American cities by the post–World War II period adopted thehorizontal development pattern that is reflective of automobile use and largescalesuburban development (Muller 1981; Kenworthy and Laube 1999;Wiewel and Persky 2002). Writing in 1992, Foster observes:Many cities, particularly in the Sunbelt, now rival Los Angeles in degree ofregional sprawl. Except for foliage, temperature, and humidity, it is often difficultto know if one is in Los Angeles, Houston, Phoenix, or ... Jacksonville[ellipsis in original]. (191)
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ContentsAcknowledgmentsviiONELocal
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 119Brienes, Marvin. 19
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 135Runte, Alfred. 1997
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 137Tarr, Joel A. 1996.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 139Wiewel, Wim, and Jo
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144THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONTuc