AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 87A number of major corporations supported the 1974 proposition, includingBank of America, Atlantic-Richfield (an oil firm), and Crocker NationalBank. 4 Importantly, major oil firms did not come out in opposition to Proposition5 (Whitt 1982, 131). Detailing the lack of any serious opposition tothis proposition, Whitt (1982) explains that “only $1,700.29 was put upagainst Proposition 5.” He adds that “$203,215 was contributed” to supportpassage of the measure, “with 99.4 percent coming from business” (132).CONCLUSIONIn examining the history of Los Angeles’s economic growth and the creationof California’s air pollution abatement regime, we can see that many of theindividuals, institutions, and interests that promoted and economically benefittedfrom Los Angeles’s growth also took the lead in shaping and establishingCalifornia’s pollution control efforts. Their air pollution reductionand growth objectives were reconciled through the utilization of pollutioncontrol technology to achieve the former. Hence, economic growth couldcontinue and air quality could improve. Improved air quality would, in turn,protect the business milieu.The technology control approach to air pollution abatement wasextended to automobile emissions. A conciliatory attitude was taken towardthe automobile, not solely because of formal economic ties among automotive-relatedfirms and leading economic interests in the state (Whitt 1982),but, as I discussed in chapter 4, large land holders and land developers in LosAngeles, and throughout the state, by the 1940s and 1950s had become aseconomically dependent on the sale and use of automobiles as automotiveinterests themselves. Thus, when the opportunity opened to shift a significantamount of financial resources away from the development and maintenanceof publicly financed automotive infrastructure and toward the development,maintenance, and operation of non-polluting mass transit, localgrowth coalition members in the state stood largely idle while automotiverelatedinterests, especially oil, closed it off.Finally, the policymaking process that led to the establishment of theautomobile as a major contributor to smog, and the subsequent creation ofCalifornia’s automobile emission regulatory regime, demonstrates that thecurrent policy approach taken by public agencies in California to the issue ofautomobile emissions is not the result of public officials seeking to navigatethe competing and somewhat conflicting preferences of the public, as positedby Sudhir Rajan (1996). Nor is this approach the result of public officialsstriving to reconcile economic growth and air pollution concerns, as held byDaniel Mazmanian (1999). Both Rajan’s and Mazmanian’s arguments areconsistent with the state autonomy/issue networks model. Instead, we seethat the current contours of California’s clean air policies resulted from the
88THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONcoordinated efforts of economic elites to develop an approach to reducing airpollution that would protect their collective economic and political interests.California remains as the U.S. center of policymaking on the matter ofautomobile emission standards. Massachusetts, for instance, by law ties itsstandards to those of California (Ridge 1994). By the 1970s, environmentalgroups were seeking to directly shape California’s public policies on air pollutionabatement, especially as they related to the automobile. How havethese efforts affected the state’s and nation’s clean air politics and policies? Itis to these issues that I turn to next.
- Page 2:
The Politics of Air Pollution
- Page 7:
ContentsAcknowledgmentsviiONELocal
- Page 12 and 13:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 3tion, such
- Page 14 and 15:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 5how the U.
- Page 16 and 17:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 7growth (Ta
- Page 18 and 19:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 9In this pe
- Page 20 and 21:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 11ity tend
- Page 22 and 23:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 13In the ar
- Page 24 and 25:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 15who reduc
- Page 26 and 27:
LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 17cally mod
- Page 28 and 29:
TWOPolitical Economy and thePolicym
- Page 30 and 31:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 21moves to
- Page 32 and 33:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 23eral gov
- Page 34 and 35:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 25groups
- Page 36 and 37:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 27Given in
- Page 38 and 39:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 29tions, t
- Page 40 and 41:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 31the Conf
- Page 42:
THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 33lars 199
- Page 45 and 46: 36THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONCOAL
- Page 47 and 48: 38THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONa go
- Page 49 and 50: 40THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONrush
- Page 51 and 52: 42THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONattr
- Page 53 and 54: 44THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONScot
- Page 55 and 56: 46THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONthe
- Page 57 and 58: 48THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONcrit
- Page 59 and 60: 50THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONwhen
- Page 61 and 62: 52THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONin t
- Page 63 and 64: 54THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONThe
- Page 65 and 66: 56THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONfirm
- Page 67 and 68: 58THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONinno
- Page 69 and 70: 60THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONThe
- Page 71 and 72: 62THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONFHA
- Page 73 and 74: 64THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONgone
- Page 75 and 76: 66THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONPres
- Page 78 and 79: FIVEThe Establishment ofAutomobile
- Page 80 and 81: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 71ext
- Page 82 and 83: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 73Ano
- Page 84 and 85: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 75the
- Page 86 and 87: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 77thr
- Page 88 and 89: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 79was
- Page 90 and 91: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 81exp
- Page 92 and 93: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 83acc
- Page 94 and 95: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 85Thu
- Page 98 and 99: SIXDemocratic Ethics,Environmental
- Page 100 and 101: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 91At the core of
- Page 102 and 103: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 93senior attorney
- Page 104 and 105: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 95ments mount cha
- Page 106 and 107: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 97frameworks, as
- Page 108 and 109: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 99mobiles and gas
- Page 110 and 111: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 101the ecological
- Page 112 and 113: CONCLUSIONPolitical Power andGlobal
- Page 114 and 115: CONCLUSION 105quality became manife
- Page 116: CONCLUSION 107lation, the U.S. econ
- Page 119 and 120: 110THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONCHA
- Page 121 and 122: 112THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTION6.
- Page 123 and 124: 114THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTION4.
- Page 126 and 127: BibliographyAcher, Robin. 2001. “
- Page 128 and 129: BIBLIOGRAPHY 119Brienes, Marvin. 19
- Page 130 and 131: BIBLIOGRAPHY 121Cole, Luke W., and
- Page 132 and 133: BIBLIOGRAPHY 123——— . 2002. W
- Page 134 and 135: BIBLIOGRAPHY 125——— . 1975.
- Page 136 and 137: BIBLIOGRAPHY 127Hayward, Clarissa R
- Page 138 and 139: BIBLIOGRAPHY 129——— . 2001. E
- Page 140 and 141: BIBLIOGRAPHY 131——— . 1988.
- Page 142 and 143: BIBLIOGRAPHY 133Perez-Pena, Richard
- Page 144 and 145: BIBLIOGRAPHY 135Runte, Alfred. 1997
- Page 146 and 147:
BIBLIOGRAPHY 137Tarr, Joel A. 1996.
- Page 148:
BIBLIOGRAPHY 139Wiewel, Wim, and Jo
- Page 151 and 152:
142THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONChi
- Page 153:
144THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONTuc