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THE FAILURE OF TECHNOLOGY 491988; Keating 1988; Fainstein 2001). Instead of taking effective actionagainst air pollution, and negatively affecting local investment levels, thesecities, as a means of pacifying the public on the issue of air quality, simplypassed smoke ordinances that went largely unenforced. Other symbolicactions undertaken by political elites to assuage the public on the questionof air pollution included token enforcement efforts and rhetorical commitmentsto smoke abatement.Of course, in relying upon technology to control smoke from coal-burninglocal growth elites eschewed more direct and effective methods to abateair pollution. A more wide-ranging and effective approach to air pollutionabatement would have been to seek to balance the economies of scaleachieved through the concentration of production and transportation facilitiesversus the clean air needs of particular communities. By spreading productionand transportation facilities in this way, production efficiency wouldonly be minimally affected, but cleaner air for urban areas could be achieved.Additionally, such an approach to the management of national investmentpatterns would have sought to place the nation’s production and transportationinfrastructure close to sources of clean fuel, such as anthracite or hardcoal, natural gas, and oil, and away from dirty ones, such as soft coal. Significantly,job creation on a national scale would not have been adverselyaffected by such a distribution of production and transportation facilities(Molotch 1976; Simonis 1989; Crowley 1999).Therefore, in leading the clean air movement during the late nineteenthand early twentieth centuries, both male and female economic elites, shapedthe debate around air pollution to serve the broad interests and preferencesof the U.S. economic elite. In other words, this movement was largely limitedto advocating for the reform of industrial capitalism through the applicationof technology, and not by challenging the prerogatives of capitalists toinvest when and where they wanted, nor questioning the practice of openinglocalities to unlimited levels of investment. Thus, the clean air movement ofthis period promoted a relatively limited type of reform (Christoff 1996;Dryzek 1997, chap. 8; Neumayer 2003), and one that failed. As noted earlier,it was not until oil and natural gas became more widely available as a sourceof industrial and transportation fuel in the post–World War II period thatnumerous cities experienced significantly cleaner air.The ecological modernization efforts during the late nineteenth andearly twentieth centuries were not undertaken to develop a more harmoniousrelationship between capitalism and the environment, or even between capitalismand human health, as indicated by much of the literature on ecologicalmodernization theory (Mol and Sonnenfeld 2000; Young 2000; Mol2001). Instead, such efforts were primarily undertaken to make industrial productionand railroad transportation more congenial to the economic interestsof one segment of the U.S. capitalist class—local growth coalitions. It is
50THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONwhen we take this into account that we can understand why ecological modernizationefforts left many U.S. cities during this period with persistentlypoor air quality (Rosenbaum 1998; Andrews 1999).In the following chapters, I analyze the rise of the automobile, its contributionto air pollution, and why technology came to be the answer to this pollution.Despite the different source of pollution and the different time frame—the 1940s to the present—the politics surrounding automotive air pollutionare very similar to those described in this chapter. Instead of Chicago, however,the historically significant events leading both to the dominance of theautomobile as a local means of transportation and the effort to manage automotivepollution through technology occurred in Los Angeles.
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The Politics of Air Pollution
Page 7: ContentsAcknowledgmentsviiONELocal
Page 12 and 13: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 3tion, such
Page 14 and 15: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 5how the U.
Page 16 and 17: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 7growth (Ta
Page 18 and 19: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 9In this pe
Page 20 and 21: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 11ity tend
Page 22 and 23: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 13In the ar
Page 24 and 25: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 15who reduc
Page 26 and 27: LOCAL GROWTH COALITIONS 17cally mod
Page 28 and 29: TWOPolitical Economy and thePolicym
Page 30 and 31: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 21moves to
Page 32 and 33: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 23eral gov
Page 34 and 35: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 25groups
Page 36 and 37: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 27Given in
Page 38 and 39: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 29tions, t
Page 40 and 41: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 31the Conf
Page 42: THE POLICYMAKING PROCESS 33lars 199
Page 45 and 46: 36THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONCOAL
Page 47 and 48: 38THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONa go
Page 49 and 50: 40THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONrush
Page 51 and 52: 42THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONattr
Page 53 and 54: 44THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONScot
Page 55 and 56: 46THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONthe
Page 57: 48THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONcrit
Page 61 and 62: 52THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONin t
Page 63 and 64: 54THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONThe
Page 65 and 66: 56THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONfirm
Page 67 and 68: 58THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONinno
Page 69 and 70: 60THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONThe
Page 71 and 72: 62THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONFHA
Page 73 and 74: 64THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONgone
Page 75 and 76: 66THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONPres
Page 78 and 79: FIVEThe Establishment ofAutomobile
Page 80 and 81: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 71ext
Page 82 and 83: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 73Ano
Page 84 and 85: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 75the
Page 86 and 87: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 77thr
Page 88 and 89: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 79was
Page 90 and 91: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 81exp
Page 92 and 93: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 83acc
Page 94 and 95: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 85Thu
Page 96 and 97: AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 87A n
Page 98 and 99: SIXDemocratic Ethics,Environmental
Page 100 and 101: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 91At the core of
Page 102 and 103: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 93senior attorney
Page 104 and 105: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 95ments mount cha
Page 106 and 107: DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 97frameworks, as
Page 108 and 109:
DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 99mobiles and gas
Page 110 and 111:
DEMOCRATIC ETHICS 101the ecological
Page 112 and 113:
CONCLUSIONPolitical Power andGlobal
Page 114 and 115:
CONCLUSION 105quality became manife
Page 116:
CONCLUSION 107lation, the U.S. econ
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110THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONCHA
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112THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTION6.
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114THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTION4.
Page 126 and 127:
BibliographyAcher, Robin. 2001. “
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 119Brienes, Marvin. 19
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 121Cole, Luke W., and
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 123——— . 2002. W
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 125——— . 1975.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 127Hayward, Clarissa R
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 129——— . 2001. E
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 131——— . 1988.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 133Perez-Pena, Richard
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 135Runte, Alfred. 1997
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 137Tarr, Joel A. 1996.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 139Wiewel, Wim, and Jo
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142THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONChi
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144THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONTuc
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