FIVEThe Establishment ofAutomobile Emission StandardsAS I NOTED in the last chapter, it was in Los Angeles where air pollutiongenerated by the automobile first reached the political agenda. Subsequently,California was the first jurisdiction in the United States to issue automobileemission standards. 1 In order to fully understand the formulation and limitsof California’s clean air policies, in particular those that center on the automobile,researchers must focus their analysis on economic elites. Parallelingmy findings in chapter 3, central to the effort to regulate air pollution emissionsin California are business elites whose economic interests lie in risingproperty values and an expanding local consumer base (i.e., local growthcoalition members).With such elites providing the key political energy behind the effort toimprove air quality in California, especially in the Los Angeles basin, the policyformulation process that established the state’s automotive emission standardscan be most aptly characterized as a negotiation process between locallyoriented economic elites and those national economic forces most closelyassociated with the automobile industry: automobile manufacturers, oil producers,tire makers, etc.I begin this chapter by broadly outlining the history of pro-growthefforts in the Los Angeles area. The area’s population and economic growthare prime causes of its air pollution problem. The second part of this chapterfocuses on the policymaking process that initially established California’sautomobile emission regulatory regime. This process began in the 1940s andended in the 1960s. The importance of the early formulation of California’sautomobile emission regime is that it is here where the contours and trajectoryof the current regime were set. These two parts of the chapter demonstratethat many of the same actors, institutions, and economic interests that69
70THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONpromoted economic growth in Los Angeles also led the effort to abate airpollution in the area. I conclude the chapter with a discussion of how andwhy an effort in the late 1960s and early 1970s to challenge the supremacyof the automobile in California failed. This portion of the discussion isdrawn from J. Allen Whitt’s (1982) instructive work on California transportationpolitics during this period. In the succeeding chapter, I describeCalifornia’s current automobile emission regulatory regime, and the politicssurrounding this regime.LOS ANGELES AS GROWTH MACHINEJust as throughout the frontier West (Robbins 1994; Moehring 2004), manyearly residents of Los Angeles during the late nineteenth century hoped toprofit from growing land values resulting from local investment and local economicgrowth (Fogelson 1967; Foster 1971, chap. 1; Jaher 1982, chap. 6; Erie2004, chap. 3). Frederic Jaher (1982) has written an extensive history on theleading political and economic circles of several U.S. cities. In describing theupper socioeconomic strata of Los Angeles, he points out that in this city “theupper class, in common with elites of other eras and places, invested in citylots and rural acreage.” Hence, “virtually every leading businessman andpolitician bought and sold land, and their cumulative influence brought aboutalienation of the public domain.” As a result, “in 1850 the municipality [of LosAngeles] owned 99 percent of the urban acreage but in the twentieth centuryretained only Perishing Square, Elysian Park, and the Old Plaza” (594). Jaherexplains that in Los Angeles “leading realtors typified versatility and kinship,the classic features of the early commercial elite” throughout the UnitedStates. He goes on to describe some of the leading commercial elite in earlyLos Angeles and their business, real estate, and political ventures:[Orzo W.] Childs was the initial commercial horticulturalist in Los Angeles,president of the Los Angeles Electric Co., trustee of the Farmers’ & Merchants’Bank, a hardware dealer, and streetcar line proprietor. Irish immigrantJohn G. Downey in 1865 inaugurated the subdividing of the old ranchos.During the 1870s he was the most successful acquisitor of foreclosedestates and built a business block that became the city’s new commercialcenter. Downey arrived in Los Angeles in 1850 and opened a drugstore. Hequickly branched out into moneylending, which facilitated his seizures ofdebt-ridden estates. In the 1850s he served in the state legislature and aslieutenant governor and governor. He established the city’s first bank in1868, built the artesian well in southern California, and financed the secondstreetcar line in Los Angeles. A railroad director and promoter, hehelped the Southern Pacific Railroad gain entry into Los Angeles. J.DeBarth Shorb was associated with his father-in-law Benito Wilson in
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- Page 126 and 127: BibliographyAcher, Robin. 2001. “
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 119Brienes, Marvin. 19
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 121Cole, Luke W., and
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 123——— . 2002. W
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 127Hayward, Clarissa R
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 133Perez-Pena, Richard
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 135Runte, Alfred. 1997
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 137Tarr, Joel A. 1996.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 139Wiewel, Wim, and Jo
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