AUTOMOBILE EMISSION STANDARDS 73Another one million people walked through “California on Wheels.”Moreover, the Chamber joined with local publishers to distribute LosAngeles newspapers throughout the country, worked with hotel proprietorsto attract conventions to southern California, circulated innumerablepamphlets, purchased immeasurable advertising space, and replied tocountless queries about the region.Fogelson holds that “during these years, largely as a result of the Chamber’sactivities, Los Angeles and environs became the best publicized part of theUnited States” (70).By the 1920s, Los Angeles boosters sought to move the city’s economyaway from its dependency on tourism and its seasonal cycle. In an effort tomake tourism to the area a year-round phenomenon, “local businessmen”formed the All Year Club in 1921, which the “Los Angeles County Boardof Supervisors divided a yearly appropriation of several hundred thousanddollars between the All Year Club and the Chamber of Commerce for thepurpose of promoting Los Angeles’ growth during the 1920s.” In addition,“the All Year Club’s share of the county appropriation was augmentedyearly by contributions of $25,000 to $30,000 from the City Council” (Foster1971, 27).In addition to the cyclical nature of tourism, Los Angeles economicinterests saw perils and disadvantages in relying heavily on tourism for economicgrowth, because, in part, of their experience during World War I. Thewar served to bolster the economies of the industrialized cities of the Northeastand upper Midwest, while it undermined tourist-related economic activity.As a result, Los Angeles boosters sought to develop an industrial base forthe area (Foster 1971, 24). In addition to the city’s experience during the war,Roger Lotchin (1992), a historian of military-industrial investment in California,argues that the desire for industrial economic growth among city leadersgrew out of a general belief he terms the “doctrine of industrial advantages.”He avers that “the architects of Urban California in particularfervently believed that industrialization held the key to urban stability, continuedprosperity, economic diversification, and sectional independence” (5).In an effort to foster industrial investment in the area, under the auspicesof the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, the Greater Los Angeles Corporationwas created in 1924. Mark Foster (1971), whose dissertation was onLos Angeles’s growth and decentralization during the 1920s, explains thatearly enthusiasts envisioned the Greater Los Angeles Corporation as a privatelyfinanced organization, which would raise its initial $10 million ofoperating capital by selling shares of its stock to interested investors for $25per share. Plans called for an eventual capital base of $50 million, whichwould be used to assist new local corporations by purchasing blocks of theirstocks. The Greater Los Angeles Corporation planned to diversify its
74THE POLITICS OF AIR POLLUTIONinvestments and operate just like a mutual fund, presumably selling itsshares of a new corporation’s stock when it became profitable. It would thenbe free to reinvest these funds in new local ventures. In such a manner, thecorporation would help to boost Los Angeles’ industrial growth.Foster goes on to explain that “nothing developed from the initial organizationalmeetings” of the Greater Los Angeles Corporation. Nevertheless, its“plans were significant insofar as they revealed the desires of the city boostersto create a comprehensive and fully integrated promotional campaign”involving both national publicity and material aid to prospective industrialinvestors (27–28).While the effort to attract industry to Los Angeles through the GreaterLos Angeles Corporation came to naught, the city did become a nationalcenter of aeronautic investment during the inter-war period (Lotchin 1992;Hise 1997). The actions of local growth advocates played a key role inattracting this investment and making the region a leading manufacturingcenter of airplanes. Roger Lotchin (1992), in explaining why Los Angelescame to dominate the U.S. aeronautic industry through to 1960, points outthat a “critical factor in the seduction of the aircraft industry [to Los Angeles]was... the efforts of its promoters to build a great city” (68). In his book,Fortress California: 1910–1960, Lotchin describes how, along the lines suggestedin the Greater Los Angeles Corporation proposal, the financial, physical,labor, and scientific factors necessary to entice aircraft investment to theregion, and to ensure its success, were provided, in large part, by Los Angelesbusiness leaders. Lotchin, in the following, summarizes some of his findings:If the plane makers desperately lacked capital, Security Pacific, Brashears,or some private Southland investor provided it when San Francisco or NewYork City would not. If the industry profited from its proximity to severalof the foremost centers of military aviation technology, the boosters hadearlier secured these assets. If [plane manufacturers] Douglas, Lockheed,North American, Consolidated, Vultee, and Ryan wanted a cheap anddocile labor force, their booster friends did their best to develop and prolongits presence. ... If the increasingly technological character of theaeronautical industry demanded easy and ever-growing access to both thematerial and intellectual resources of the scientific community ... [theCalifornia Institute of Technology in Los Angeles] would eventually provideits own airplane testing facilities and then be called upon to manageboth the Southern California Cooperative Wind Tunnel and the JetPropulsion Laboratory. (130)Lotchin adds that “if an industry largely dependent upon the government fora market [in the form of military contracts] cried out for political influence(and who can doubt that it did?), [southern California] urban politicians from
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ContentsAcknowledgmentsviiONELocal
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- Page 126 and 127: BibliographyAcher, Robin. 2001. “
- Page 128 and 129: BIBLIOGRAPHY 119Brienes, Marvin. 19
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 123——— . 2002. W
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 125——— . 1975.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 127Hayward, Clarissa R
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 131——— . 1988.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 133Perez-Pena, Richard
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 135Runte, Alfred. 1997
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 137Tarr, Joel A. 1996.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 139Wiewel, Wim, and Jo
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