30 <strong>The</strong> passage from modernity to post modernityuniversalism, even when at its most 'auratic' in conception. Betweenthe wars, on the other hand, artists . were more an more forced byevents to wear their political commItments on theIr sleeves.<strong>The</strong> shift in modernism's tone also stemmed from the need o confronthead-on the sense <strong>of</strong> anarchy, . diorder ? a ? -d despaIr thatIetzsc e a. . .h· h hN· h h d sown at a time <strong>of</strong> astolllshmg agItatlon, restlessness,and instability in political-economic life - an mstabIhty w c t eanarchist movement <strong>of</strong> the late nineteenth . centl ry grapple wIth andcontributed to in important ways. <strong>The</strong> artIculatlon <strong>of</strong> e!"ouc, . psychological,and irrational needs (<strong>of</strong> te sort that F reud Identfied ndKlimt represented in his free-flowmg art) added nother dImenSIOnto the confusion. This particular surge <strong>of</strong> oderlllsm, theefore, .hadto recognize the impossibility <strong>of</strong> representmg the world m a smglelanguage. Understanding had to be co ? -strcted through the exporation<strong>of</strong> multiple perspectives. oAerllsm, m short, took n mulupl .eperspectivism and relativism as ItS epIsemology for reveaJmg what Itstill took to be the true nature <strong>of</strong> a umfied, though complex, underlyingreality.. . . rWhatever may have constituted thIS smgular undelymg rea tyand its 'eternal presence' remained obscure. Fro. thIS standp mtLenin, for one, inveighed against the errors . <strong>of</strong> rlatlvism . and mulupleperspectivism in his criticisms <strong>of</strong> Mach' 'IdealIst' phYSICS, and tredto emphasize the political as w:ell as the mtelectual dan?ers to . whIchformless relativism surely pomted. <strong>The</strong>re IS a ense . m . whIch theoutbreak <strong>of</strong> the First World War, that vast inter-lmpenalIst struggle,vindicated Lenin's argument. Certainly, a strong case can be . madethat 'modernist subjectivity ... was simply unable to cope WIth thecrisis into which Europe in 1914 was plunged' .(Taylor, 1987, 127).<strong>The</strong> trauma <strong>of</strong> world war and its polItical and mtellectual responses(some <strong>of</strong> which we shall take up mre directlf in Part III) penethe way to a consideration <strong>of</strong> what mIght constltut the essentlal . aneternal qualities <strong>of</strong> modernity that lay on the nether sIe <strong>of</strong> BaudelaIre sformulation.!' In the absence <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment cerItudes as to t?eperfectibility l <strong>of</strong> man., the search for a . myth apropnate to modernItybecame paramount. rrhe surrealist wnter LOUIS Argon, . for example,suggested that his central aim in Paris peasant (wntten m the 1920swas to elaborate a novel 'that would present itself as mythology,'adding, 'naturally, a mythology <strong>of</strong> the modern.' Bt it also seemedpossible to build metaphorical bridges between anIent and n : odernmyths. Joyce chose Ulysses, while Le CorbuIer, accordmg toFrampton (1980), always sought ':0 resolve te dichoty btweenthe Engineer'S Aesthetic and ArchIteture, tọ mform utllI y wIh tehierarchy <strong>of</strong> myth' (a practice he mcreasmgly emphaSIzed m hISModernity and modernism 31creations at Chandigarh and Ronchamp in the 1960s). But who orwhat was it that was being mythologized? This was the centralquestion that characterized the so-called 'heroic' period <strong>of</strong> modernism.Modernism in the inter-war years may have been 'heroic' but itwas also fraught with disaster. Action was plainly needed to rebuildthe war-to: econ . omies <strong>of</strong> Europe as well as to solve all the problems<strong>of</strong> the polItical dIscontents associated with capitalist forms <strong>of</strong> burgeoningurban-industrial growth. <strong>The</strong> fading <strong>of</strong> unified Enlightenmentbeliefs and the emergence <strong>of</strong> perspectivism left open thepossibility <strong>of</strong> informing social action with some aesthetic vision, sothat the struggles between the different currents <strong>of</strong> modernism became<strong>of</strong> more than just passing interest. What is more, the culturalproducers knew it. Aesthetic modernism was important, and thestakes were high. <strong>The</strong> appeal to 'eternal' myth became even moreimperative. But that search turned out to be as confused as it wasdangerous. 'Reason coming to terms with its mythical origins, becomesbewilderingly tangled with myth ... myth is already enlightenmentand enlightenment relapses into mythology' (Huyssens,1984 ).<strong>The</strong> myth either had to redeem us from 'the formless universe <strong>of</strong>contingency' or, more programmatically, to provide the impetus fora new project for human endeavour. One wing <strong>of</strong> modernism appealedto. the image <strong>of</strong> rationality incorporated in the machine, thefactory, the power <strong>of</strong> contemporary technology, or the city as a'living machine.' Ezra Pound had already advanced the thesis thatlanguage should conform to machine efficiency and, as Tichi (1987)has observed, modernist writers as diverse as Dos Passos, Hemingway,and William Carlos Williams modelled their writing on exactly thatproposition. Williams specifically held, for example, that a poem isnothing more or less than ' a machine made <strong>of</strong> words.' And this wasthe theme that Diego Rivera celebrated so vigorously in his extraordinaryDetroit murals and which became the leitmotif <strong>of</strong> manyprogressive mural painters in the United States during the depression(plate 1.5).'Truth is the significance <strong>of</strong> fact,' said Mies van der Rohe, and ahost <strong>of</strong> cultural producers, particularly those working in and aroundthe influential Bauhaus movement <strong>of</strong> the 1920s, set out to imposerational order ('rational' defined by technological efficiency andmachine production) for socially useful goals (human emancipation,emancipation <strong>of</strong> the proletariat, and the like). 'By order bring aboutfreedom,' was one <strong>of</strong> Le Corbusier's slogans, and he emphasized thatfreedom and liberty in the contemporary metropolis depended cruciallyupon the imposition <strong>of</strong> rational order. Modernism in the inter-
32 <strong>The</strong> passage from modernity to postmodernityPlate 1,5 <strong>The</strong> myth <strong>of</strong> the machine dominated modernist as well as realistart in the inter-war years: Th omas Hart Benton's 1929 mural 'Instruments<strong>of</strong> Power' is a typical exemplar,war period took a strongly positivist turn and, through the ntensiveefforts <strong>of</strong> the Vienna Circle, established a new style <strong>of</strong> phIlosophywhich was to become central to social thought after World War I.Logical positivism was as compatible with the practices <strong>of</strong> m?dermstarchitecture as it was with the advance <strong>of</strong> all forms <strong>of</strong> SCIence asavatars <strong>of</strong> technical control. This was the period when houses andcities could be openly conceived <strong>of</strong> as 'machines for living in', I wasduring these years also that the powerful Congress <strong>of</strong> ,InternatlonalModern Architects (ClAM) came together to adopt ItS celebratedAthens Charter <strong>of</strong> 1933, a charter that for the next thirty years or sowas to define broadly what modernist architectural practice was tobe about.Such a limited vision <strong>of</strong> the essential qualities <strong>of</strong> modernism wasopen to easy enough perversion and abuse ' , <strong>The</strong>re are stron ,g objectionseven within modernism (think <strong>of</strong> Chaphn's ,Mod ,ern T! mes) t theidea that the machine, the factory, and the ratlonalIze lty provIde asufficiently rich conception to define th eternal qualt1es . <strong>of</strong> modernlife, <strong>The</strong> problem for 'heroic' modermsm was, qUIte sImply, thatonce the machine myth was abandoned, any myth could be l?dgedinto that central position <strong>of</strong> the 'eternal truth' presupposd m temodernist project, Baudelaire himself, for example, had deIcaed hISessay '<strong>The</strong> Salon <strong>of</strong> 1846' to the bourgeois who sought to realIze theModernity and modernism 33idea <strong>of</strong> the future in all its diverse forms, political, industrial, andartistic.' An economist like Schumpeter would surely have applaudedthat.<strong>The</strong> Italian futurists were so fascinated by speed and power thatthey embraced creative destruction and violent militarism to thepoint where Mussolini could become their hero, De Chirico lostinterest in modernist experimentation after World War I andsought a commercialized art with roots in classical beauty mingledt po,:erful horses and narcissistic pictures <strong>of</strong> himself dressed upIII hIstn costumes (all <strong>of</strong> which were to earn him the approval <strong>of</strong>MussolIm), PO , und t?O" with his thirst for machine efficiency <strong>of</strong>languag an hIS a? IratlOn <strong>of</strong> he avant-gardist warrior poet capable<strong>of</strong> dommatmg a WItless multItude,' became deeply attached to apolitical regime (Mussolini's) that could ensure that the trains ran ontime. Albert Speer, Hitler's architect, may have actively attackedmodernism's aesthetic principles in his resurrection <strong>of</strong> classicistthemes, but e ws to take 0:ver many modernist techniques and putthem to natlonalIst ends WIth the same ruthlessness that Hitler'sengineers showed in taking over the practices <strong>of</strong> Bauhaus design ineir ontruction <strong>of</strong> the death camps (see, for example, Lane's, 1985,Illummatmg stdy, Architecure and politics in Germany, 1918-1945),I proved possIble to cobme up-to-date scientific engineering practlces,as mcorporated m the most extreme forms <strong>of</strong> technicalbureaucraticand mach ,ine rationality, with a myth <strong>of</strong> Aryan superiorityand the ?lood and SOlI <strong>of</strong> the Fatherland. It was exactly in this waythat a VIrulent form <strong>of</strong> 'reactionary modernism' came to have thepuchase it di in N azi Germany, suggesting that this whole episode,. whIle modermst m.certain senses, owed more to the weakness <strong>of</strong>Enlihtenment thought than it did to any dialectal reversal or progr:eSSlOnto a 'natural' conclusion (Herf, 1984, 233).I This was a period when the always latent tensions between internationalișmand n tionalism, between universalism and class politics,were heIghtened mto absolute and unstable contradiction, i It washard t rmain indifferent ,to the Russian revolution, the rising power<strong>of</strong> socIalIst and commumst movements, the collapse <strong>of</strong> economiesand governments, and the rise <strong>of</strong> fascism. Politically committed arttook over one wing <strong>of</strong> the modernist movement, Surrealism, construtivsm,a , nd socialst realism all sought to mythologize the proletantm theIr resI;>ect!ve ways, and the Russians set about inscribingthat m space, as dId a whole succession <strong>of</strong> socialist governments inEurope, through the creation <strong>of</strong> buildings like the celebrated KarlMarx-H<strong>of</strong> in Vienna (designed not only to house workers but also tobe a bastion <strong>of</strong> military defence against any rural conservative assault