102 <strong>The</strong> passage from modernity to postmodernity<strong>of</strong> money as the proper object <strong>of</strong> desire? Baudrillard depicts postmodernculture as an 'excremental culture,' and money=excrementin both Baudrillard's and Freud's view (some hints <strong>of</strong> that sentimentcan be found in Marx). Postmodern concerns for the signifier ratherthan the signified, the medium (money) rather than the message(social labour), the emphasis on fiction rather than function, on signsrather than things, on aesthetics rather than ethics, suggest a reinforcementrather than a transformation <strong>of</strong> the role <strong>of</strong> money as Marxdepicts it.As commodity producers seeking money, however, we are dependentupon the needs and capacity <strong>of</strong> others to buy. Producers consequentlyhave a permanent interest in cultivating 'excess and intemperance'in others, in feeding 'imaginary appetites' to the pointwhere ideas <strong>of</strong> what constitutes social need are replaced by 'fantasy,caprice, and whim.' <strong>The</strong> capitalist producer increasingly 'plays thepimp' between the consumers and their sense <strong>of</strong> need, excites inthem 'morbid appetites, lies in wait for each <strong>of</strong> [their] weaknesses -all so that he can demand the cash for this service <strong>of</strong> love.' Pleasure,leisure, seduction, and erotic life are all brought within the range <strong>of</strong>money power and commodity production. Capitalism therefore'produces sophistication <strong>of</strong> needs and <strong>of</strong> their means on the onehand, and a bestial barbarization, a complete, unrefined, and abstractsimplicity <strong>of</strong> need, on the other' (Marx, 1964, 148). Advertising andcommercialization destroy all traces <strong>of</strong> production in their imagery,reinforcing the fetishism that arises automatically in the course <strong>of</strong>market exchange.Furthermore, money, as the supreme representation <strong>of</strong> socialpower in capitalist society, itself becomes the object <strong>of</strong> lust, greed,and desire. Yet here, too, we encounter double meanings. Moneyconfers the privilege to exercise power over others - we can buytheir labour time or the services they <strong>of</strong>fer, even build systematicrelations <strong>of</strong> domination over exploited classes simply through controlover money power. Money, in fact, fuses the political and the economicinto a genuine political economy <strong>of</strong> overwhelming power relations(a problem that micro-theorists <strong>of</strong> power like Foucault systematicallyavoid and which macro-social theorists like Giddens - withhis strict division between allocative and authoritative sources <strong>of</strong>power - cannot grasp). <strong>The</strong> common material languages <strong>of</strong> moneyand commodities provide a universal basis within market capitalismfor linking everyone into an identical system <strong>of</strong> market valuation andso procuring the reproduction <strong>of</strong> social life through an objectivelygrounded system <strong>of</strong> social bonding. Yet within these broad constraints,we are 'free,' as it were, to develop our own personalities andM oderniz ation 103relationships in our own way, our own 'otherness,' even to forgegroup language games, provided, <strong>of</strong> course, that we have enoughmoney to live on satisfactorily. Money is a 'great leveller and cynic,'a powerful underminer <strong>of</strong> fixed social relations, and a great 'democratizer'.As a social power that can be held by individual persons itforms the basis for a wide-ranging individual liberty, a liberty thatcan be deployed to develop ourselves as free-thinking individualswithout reference to others. Money unifies precisely through itscapacity to accommodate individualism, otherness, and extraordinarysocial fragmentation.But by what process is the capacity for fragmentation latent inthe money form transformed into a necessary feature <strong>of</strong> capitalistmodernization?Participation in market exchange presupposes a certain division <strong>of</strong>labour as well as a capacity to separate (alienate) oneself from one'sown product. <strong>The</strong> result is an estrangement from the product <strong>of</strong>one's own experience, a fragmentation <strong>of</strong> social tasks and a separation<strong>of</strong> the subjective meaning <strong>of</strong> a process <strong>of</strong> production from the objectivemarket valuation <strong>of</strong> the product. A highly organized technicaland social division <strong>of</strong> labour, though by no means unique to capitalism,is one <strong>of</strong> the founding principles <strong>of</strong> capitalist modernization. Thisforms a powerful lever to promote economic growth and the accumulation<strong>of</strong> capital, particularly under conditions <strong>of</strong> market exchangein which individual commodity producers (protected by privateproperty rights) can explore the possibilities <strong>of</strong> specialization withinan open economic system. This explains the power <strong>of</strong> economic (freemarket) liberalism as a founding doctrine for capitalism. It is preciselyin such a context that possessive individualism and creative entrepreneurialism,innovation, and speculation, can flourish, even thoughthis also means a proliferating fragmentation <strong>of</strong> tasks and responsibilities,and a necessary transformation <strong>of</strong> social relations to thepoint where producers are forced to view others in purely instrumentalterms.But there is much more to capitalism than commodity productionand market exchange. Certain historical conditions - in particular,the existence <strong>of</strong> wage labour - are required before pr<strong>of</strong>it-seeking -launching money into circulation in order to gain more money -can become the basic way for social life to be reproduced. Based onthe violent separation <strong>of</strong> the mass <strong>of</strong> the direct producers fromcontrol over the means <strong>of</strong> production, the emergence <strong>of</strong> wage labour- persons who have to sell labour power in order to live - is the'result <strong>of</strong> many revolutions, <strong>of</strong> the extinction <strong>of</strong> a whole series <strong>of</strong>older forms <strong>of</strong> production' (Capital, 1: 166-7). <strong>The</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> a
104 <strong>The</strong> passage from modernity to postmodernityradical, total, and violent rupture with the past - another <strong>of</strong> thebasic elements <strong>of</strong> modernist sensibility - is omni-present in Marx'saccount <strong>of</strong> the origins <strong>of</strong> capitalism.But Marx takes matters much further. <strong>The</strong> conversion <strong>of</strong> labourinto wage labour means 'the separation <strong>of</strong> labour from its product,<strong>of</strong> subjective labour power from the objective conditions <strong>of</strong> labour'(Capital, 1: 3). This is a very different kind <strong>of</strong> market exchange.Capitalists when they purchase labour power necessarily treat it ininstrumental terms. <strong>The</strong> labourer is viewed as a 'hand' rather than asa whole person (to use Dickens's satirical comment in Hard Times),and the labour contributed is a 'factor' (notice the reification) <strong>of</strong>production. <strong>The</strong> purchase <strong>of</strong> labour power with money gives thecapitalist certain rights to dispose <strong>of</strong> the labour <strong>of</strong> others withoutnecessary regard for what the others might think, need, or feeL <strong>The</strong>omni-presence <strong>of</strong> this class relation <strong>of</strong> domination, <strong>of</strong>fset only to thedegree that the labourers actively struggle to assert their rights andexpress their feelings, suggests one <strong>of</strong> the founding principles uponwhich the very idea <strong>of</strong> 'otherness' is produced and reproduced on acontinuing basis in capitalist society. <strong>The</strong> world <strong>of</strong> the working classbecomes the domain <strong>of</strong> that 'other,' which is necessarily renderedopaque and potentially unknowable by virtue <strong>of</strong> the fetishism <strong>of</strong>market exchange. And I should also add parenthetically that if thereare already those in society (women, blacks, colonized peoples, minorities<strong>of</strong> all kinds) who can readily be conceptualized as the other,then the conflation <strong>of</strong> class exploitation with gender, race, colonialism,ethnicity, etc. can proceed apace with all manner <strong>of</strong> invidious results.Capitalism did not invent 'the other' but it certainly made use <strong>of</strong> andpromoted it in highly structured ways.Capitalists can deploy their rights strategically to impose all kinds<strong>of</strong> conditions upon the labourer. <strong>The</strong> latter is typically alienatedfrom the product, from command over the process <strong>of</strong> producing it,as well as from the capacity to realize the value <strong>of</strong> the fruit <strong>of</strong> his orher efforts - the capitalist appropriates that as pr<strong>of</strong>it. <strong>The</strong> capitalisthas the power (though by no means arbitrary or total) to mobilizethe powers <strong>of</strong> co-operation, division <strong>of</strong> labour, and machinery aspowers <strong>of</strong> capital over labour. <strong>The</strong> result is an organized detaildivision <strong>of</strong> labour within the factory, which reduces the labourer to afragment <strong>of</strong> a person. '<strong>The</strong> absurd fable <strong>of</strong> Menenius Agrippa, whichmakes man a mere fragment <strong>of</strong> his own body, becomes realized'(Capital, 1: 340). We here encounter the principle <strong>of</strong> the division <strong>of</strong>labour at work in a quite different guise. Whereas the division <strong>of</strong>labour in society 'brings into contact independent commodity producers,who acknowledge no other authority but that <strong>of</strong> competition,M oderniz ation 105<strong>of</strong> the coercion exerted by the pressure <strong>of</strong> their mutual interests,' the'division <strong>of</strong> labour within the workshop implies the undisputed authority<strong>of</strong> the capitalist over men, that are but parts <strong>of</strong> a mechanismthat belongs to him.' Anarchy in the social division <strong>of</strong> labour isreplaced by the despotism - enforced through hierarchies <strong>of</strong> authorityand close supervision <strong>of</strong> tasks - <strong>of</strong> the workshop and the factory.This enforced fragmentation, which is both social and technicalwithin a single labour process, is further emphasized by the loss <strong>of</strong>control over the instruments <strong>of</strong> production. This turns the labourereffectively into an 'appendage' <strong>of</strong> the machine. Intelligence (knowledge,science, technique) is objectified in the machine, thus separatingmanual from mental labour and diminishing the application <strong>of</strong> intelligenceon the part <strong>of</strong> the direct producers. In all <strong>of</strong> these respects,the individual labourer is 'made poor' in individual productive powers'in order to make the collective labourer, and through him capitalrich in social productive power' (Capital, 1: 341). This process doesnot stop with the direct producers, with the peasants pulled <strong>of</strong>f theland, the women and children forced to give <strong>of</strong> their labour in thefactories and mines. <strong>The</strong> bourgeoisie 'has pitilessly torn asunder themotley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors," and hasleft remaining no other nexus between man and man than callous"cash payment." ... [It] has stripped <strong>of</strong> its halo every occupationhitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has convertedthe physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man <strong>of</strong>science, into its paid wage labourers' (<strong>The</strong> communist manifesto, 45).How is it, then, that the 'bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantlyrevolutionizing the instruments <strong>of</strong> production, and therebythe relations <strong>of</strong> production?' <strong>The</strong> answer Marx provides in Capital isboth thorough and convincing. <strong>The</strong> 'coercive laws' <strong>of</strong> market competitionforce all capitalists to seek out technological and organizationalchanges that will enhance their own pr<strong>of</strong>itability vis-a-visthe social average, thus entraining all capitalists in leap-froggingprocesses <strong>of</strong> innovation that reach their limit only under conditions<strong>of</strong> massive labour surpluses. <strong>The</strong> need to keep the labourer undercontrol in the workplace, and to undercut the bargaining power <strong>of</strong>the labourer in the market (particularly under conditions <strong>of</strong> relativelabour scarcity and active class resistance), also stimulates capitaliststo innovate. Capitalism is necessarily technologically dynamic, notbecause <strong>of</strong> the mythologized capacities <strong>of</strong> the innovative entrepreneur(as Schum peter was later to argue) but because <strong>of</strong> the coercivelaws <strong>of</strong> competition and the conditions <strong>of</strong> class struggle endemic tocapitalism.<strong>The</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> continuous innovation, however, is to devalue, if not