Sartre's second century
Sartre's second century
Sartre's second century
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
26 Chapter Two<br />
responsibility and the reality of historical and cultural forces, and who<br />
sought to combine both in his ontology of dialectical freedom. <strong>Sartre's</strong><br />
later work offers a view of human choice, history and the human condition<br />
that rejects human oppression in every form. It is <strong>Sartre's</strong> insistence upon<br />
the reality and necessity of responsible action in the face of human<br />
oppression that calls for emphasis.<br />
Prior to 1939, Sartre considered himself more apolitical than political.<br />
A self-described "anarchist", Sartre became an avid reader of Trotsky's<br />
works. The French Communist Party and its support of the Stalinist<br />
regime represented the political left in pre-and post-war France. Sartre<br />
steadfastly declined to join this party and appeared to be on a constant<br />
search for political and social alternatives further to the political left. As<br />
Ian Birchall stresses, Trotsky's conception of a "permanent revolution"<br />
appealed to the young Sartre far more than the engineered society of<br />
Stalin's Russia. 21<br />
Both Sartre and Heidegger shared a profound dislike for the<br />
bourgeoisie. Whereas Heidegger saw Germany as caught between Russian<br />
communism and American materialism, Sartre recognized the important<br />
difference between Stalinism and Marxism and viewed the distinct forms<br />
of the oppression of the working class in both Russia and America, and the<br />
racism of the latter, as unacceptable denials of human freedom. <strong>Sartre's</strong><br />
historical-political vision was also more encompassing than Heidegger's.<br />
Sartre tended to see the need for a revolutionary politics not only in the<br />
history of the French Revolution, but in the American and Russian<br />
Revolutions as well. Heidegger's increasing concern with the destiny of<br />
the Volk was decidedly Germanic. <strong>Sartre's</strong> views were closer to the<br />
universalism explicit in Marx's view of a communist revolution, whereas<br />
Heidegger's alliance with the Third Reich, at least initially, appeared to<br />
betray a strong nationalism.<br />
One of the more important early influences upon Sartre was his<br />
friendship with Colette Audry. 22 Audry was an anti-communist leftist, one<br />
of the first to write publicly about Heidegger's identification with the Nazi<br />
Party. She wrote an article in 1934, entitled "A Philosophy of German<br />
Fascism", published in a French political weekly, L'Ecole emancipee. 23<br />
Audry writes that Heidegger's philosophy "constitutes a translation into<br />
21 See Birchall, Sartre Against Stalinism. The above brief account of <strong>Sartre's</strong><br />
political commitments is heavily indebted to Birchairs insightful narrative and<br />
detailed scholarship.<br />
22 The details of her friendship with Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir can be found<br />
in Birchall.<br />
23 Birchall, 19.