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Sartre's second century

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26 Chapter Two<br />

responsibility and the reality of historical and cultural forces, and who<br />

sought to combine both in his ontology of dialectical freedom. <strong>Sartre's</strong><br />

later work offers a view of human choice, history and the human condition<br />

that rejects human oppression in every form. It is <strong>Sartre's</strong> insistence upon<br />

the reality and necessity of responsible action in the face of human<br />

oppression that calls for emphasis.<br />

Prior to 1939, Sartre considered himself more apolitical than political.<br />

A self-described "anarchist", Sartre became an avid reader of Trotsky's<br />

works. The French Communist Party and its support of the Stalinist<br />

regime represented the political left in pre-and post-war France. Sartre<br />

steadfastly declined to join this party and appeared to be on a constant<br />

search for political and social alternatives further to the political left. As<br />

Ian Birchall stresses, Trotsky's conception of a "permanent revolution"<br />

appealed to the young Sartre far more than the engineered society of<br />

Stalin's Russia. 21<br />

Both Sartre and Heidegger shared a profound dislike for the<br />

bourgeoisie. Whereas Heidegger saw Germany as caught between Russian<br />

communism and American materialism, Sartre recognized the important<br />

difference between Stalinism and Marxism and viewed the distinct forms<br />

of the oppression of the working class in both Russia and America, and the<br />

racism of the latter, as unacceptable denials of human freedom. <strong>Sartre's</strong><br />

historical-political vision was also more encompassing than Heidegger's.<br />

Sartre tended to see the need for a revolutionary politics not only in the<br />

history of the French Revolution, but in the American and Russian<br />

Revolutions as well. Heidegger's increasing concern with the destiny of<br />

the Volk was decidedly Germanic. <strong>Sartre's</strong> views were closer to the<br />

universalism explicit in Marx's view of a communist revolution, whereas<br />

Heidegger's alliance with the Third Reich, at least initially, appeared to<br />

betray a strong nationalism.<br />

One of the more important early influences upon Sartre was his<br />

friendship with Colette Audry. 22 Audry was an anti-communist leftist, one<br />

of the first to write publicly about Heidegger's identification with the Nazi<br />

Party. She wrote an article in 1934, entitled "A Philosophy of German<br />

Fascism", published in a French political weekly, L'Ecole emancipee. 23<br />

Audry writes that Heidegger's philosophy "constitutes a translation into<br />

21 See Birchall, Sartre Against Stalinism. The above brief account of <strong>Sartre's</strong><br />

political commitments is heavily indebted to Birchairs insightful narrative and<br />

detailed scholarship.<br />

22 The details of her friendship with Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir can be found<br />

in Birchall.<br />

23 Birchall, 19.

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