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Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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Book reviews <strong>–</strong> Comptes rendus <strong>–</strong> Buchbesprechungen 131tering <strong>of</strong> un<strong>de</strong>rstanding in Israel for its policy <strong>of</strong> non-recognition. This 1963 volume is avery promising start <strong>of</strong> a new series. It is an important contribution to the study <strong>of</strong> recentinternational relations, because it <strong>of</strong>fers the opportunity to counterbalance the Americanviews <strong>of</strong> the Foreign Relations with those <strong>of</strong> an emerging economic and political force in the<strong>European</strong> realm.Albert E. KerstenUniversity <strong>of</strong> Lei<strong>de</strong>n (Netherlands)Pierre GUILLEN. <strong>–</strong> La question alleman<strong>de</strong>, (1945-1995). Paris, Editions ImprimerieNationale, 1996, 236 pp. <strong>–</strong> ISBN 2-7433-0157-0. <strong>–</strong> 150,00 FF.Since unification, the German problem as an issue <strong>of</strong> immediate importance has disappearedfrom the world’s headlines. Still, there can be no doubt as to its longterm significance for thefuture <strong>of</strong> our continent. Even if the process <strong>of</strong> bringing together the two halves <strong>of</strong> the countrywill not produce any sensations, the more distant future <strong>of</strong> Germany does raise a number<strong>of</strong> questions: Will there be a <strong>European</strong> Germany or rather Germany with Europe (or a part <strong>of</strong>it) in tow? Will the new Germany maintain its ties both with Western Europe and the Atlanticcommunity <strong>of</strong> nations? If so, how will it balance its Atlantic with its <strong>European</strong> commitments?There surely can be no doubt as to the pro-Western orientation <strong>of</strong> the present Bonngovernment, but no one can predict what the foreign policy <strong>of</strong> a future German governmentbased on a different coalition <strong>of</strong> parties might be. A major merit <strong>of</strong> the book un<strong>de</strong>r review isthat it has provi<strong>de</strong>d the historical background for such a longterm exploration <strong>of</strong> the Germanquestion.Contrary to what the title might suggest, the author, who is a well known authority onFranco-German relations, not only presents an overview <strong>of</strong> the international dimensions <strong>of</strong>his topic, but also provi<strong>de</strong>s a full account <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> the two Germanies from the end<strong>of</strong> World War Two to the present. For the purposes <strong>of</strong> this review I have chosen to concentrateon those parts that are <strong>de</strong>voted to the international implications, and especially to theFrench aspect <strong>of</strong> the author’s topic. In attempting to <strong>de</strong>fine the German problem, the authorrelies on a quotation by <strong>de</strong> Gaulle. In it the general dwelt on the uncertainties (“incertitu<strong>de</strong>s”)surrounding Germany, a country lacking a fixed i<strong>de</strong>ntity and which was subject, as heput it, to a continuous process <strong>of</strong> change (“ce pays en perpétuel <strong>de</strong>venir ...”). Be this as itmay as far as earlier periods <strong>of</strong> Germany are concerned, <strong>de</strong> Gaulle’s <strong>de</strong>scription was certainlyconfirmed by what happened to Germany after 1945 <strong>–</strong> the failure <strong>of</strong> the victors toagree on common policies regarding the <strong>de</strong>feated enemy, the founding <strong>of</strong> two German statesin 1949, and the <strong>de</strong>velopment <strong>of</strong> their diverging i<strong>de</strong>ntities when they had been granted nearsovereigntyin 1955.The author shows that the division <strong>of</strong> Germany enhanced France’s part in assuring theBonn republic’s integration into the Western world. He keeps reverting to this topic bypointing out that since the days <strong>of</strong> the Schuman Plan French governments <strong>–</strong> the MendèsFrance government inclu<strong>de</strong>d -were eager to create special ties with Bonn as an indispensableprerequisite for ensuring Germany’s continuous commitment to the West. To <strong>de</strong> Gaullethis meant absorbing West Germany into a West <strong>European</strong> continental block and reducingits ties with the United States.The general’s successors had to come to terms with Bonn’s Ostpolitik and later on withpopulist pacifism in Germany: both <strong>de</strong>velopments seemed to foreshadow West Germany’sdisassociation from its Western commitments. At the same time, its growing influencewithin the <strong>European</strong> communities and a more assertive policy by which its governments

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