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Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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Dieses Dokument wur<strong>de</strong> erstellt mit FrameMaker 4.0.4.Swedish Neutrality, the Finland Argument 63Swedish Neutrality, the Finland Argumentand the Enlargement <strong>of</strong> “Little Europe”Mikael af MalmborgDo states care about other states? The general answer to that question is ‘no’. Relationsbetween states, however, are likely to change in the course <strong>of</strong> time. There issomething unique about every historical case and each relation has its own specificinter<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>ncies. The purpose <strong>of</strong> this article is to analyse the consequences <strong>of</strong><strong>European</strong> integration for the relations between the Nordic countries. Special attentionwill be paid to the Swedish concerns for Finland’s position as they affected thebroa<strong>de</strong>r relations with Western Europe as the founding <strong>of</strong> the EEC in 1958 and thefirst attempts at enlargement in the 1960s. I will try to explain what motivated theSwedish Government’s <strong>de</strong>mand for special treatment in relations with the EEC,and why association on Swedish terms was strongly rejected by the Six and theUSA.*The special relationship between Swe<strong>de</strong>n and Finland has taken various expressions.First <strong>of</strong> all there is a strong historical un<strong>de</strong>rpinning. For six centuries Finlandhad been an integral part <strong>of</strong> the Swedish Realm. The Russian conquest <strong>of</strong> the “Easternhalf <strong>of</strong> the Realm” in 1809 broke the political ties, although commercial contactscontinued. For a long time, the balance <strong>of</strong> power ma<strong>de</strong> Finnish in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nceunthinkable, but there could be no doubt that when Finland gained her in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>ncein 1917 this was greatly welcomed in Swe<strong>de</strong>n. Finland’s in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce ha<strong>de</strong>ntailed the most consi<strong>de</strong>rable improvement <strong>of</strong> Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s security position for along time.The Second World War showed both the extents and limits <strong>of</strong> Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s engagementfor Finland. Un<strong>de</strong>r the slogan “Finland’s cause is ours”, Swedish societygranted consi<strong>de</strong>rable financial, material and moral support, but Swe<strong>de</strong>n as a statema<strong>de</strong> no direct military commitment. Yet, at the outbreak <strong>of</strong> the Finnish Winter War1939-40, Swe<strong>de</strong>n for the first time since the mid-nineteenth century had <strong>of</strong>ficially<strong>de</strong>viated from its position <strong>of</strong> neutrality and had <strong>de</strong>clared herself “non-belligerent”.In the postwar world relations with the Nordic countries were a matter <strong>of</strong> prestige,and with regard to Finland also a matter <strong>of</strong> security. The high status <strong>of</strong> Finlandin Swedish foreign policy is reflected in the fact that relations with Finland weremainly the concern <strong>of</strong> the Prime Minister. Traditionally the first visit abroad <strong>of</strong> anewly elected Prime Minister was always paid to Finland, and vice versa. In thecold war era Finland’s in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce was regar<strong>de</strong>d by many as a necessary preconditionfor Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s non-alignment and one can reasonably argue that anything thatcould be done to ease Finland’s precarious position was also <strong>of</strong> immediate gain forSwe<strong>de</strong>n. Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s concern for Finland thus was a relationship built upon both* I would like to thank Ambassador Krister Wahlbäck, Ambassador Mats Bergquist, and Dr. WolframKaiser for helpful comments on the manuscript to this article.

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