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Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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72Mikael af Malmborglimited at the same time to a group <strong>of</strong> industrial states with a higher common<strong>de</strong>nominator than the heterogeneous GATT group. Based as it was on the principle<strong>of</strong> inter-governmental <strong>de</strong>cision making, and not being <strong>of</strong> Atlantic dimension, it didnot enter into conflict with the policy <strong>of</strong> neutrality. For reasons <strong>of</strong> neutrality Swe<strong>de</strong>nstressed the necessity <strong>of</strong> not giving the new organisation too much <strong>of</strong> an Atlanticdimension. In this context the Finland argument was raised again; it might beworth consi<strong>de</strong>ring an organisation which, rather than repelling, attracted the countriesbor<strong>de</strong>ring Eastern Europe, such as Finland. 27The British Volte-FaceSo far Swe<strong>de</strong>n could seek shelter behind Britain’s rejection <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> integrationand <strong>de</strong>legation <strong>of</strong> sovereignty, but the British and the subsequent Danish and Norwegianapplications for EEC membership <strong>de</strong>alt a serious blow to Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s Nor<strong>de</strong>n-oriented policy.Swe<strong>de</strong>n clearly was the EFTA country most concerned by the British manoeuvre.When Maudling brought up the i<strong>de</strong>a that EFTA should be associated with the EEC,Gunnar Lange took the opposite stand; the EEC should rather, as one unit, adhere toEFTA. The main problem for Swe<strong>de</strong>n was sovereignty, Lange explained. Commonagricultural policy and partly raised customs barriers were <strong>of</strong> secondary importancecompared with the supranational ten<strong>de</strong>ncies <strong>of</strong> the EEC. 28 Together with the otherneutrals Swe<strong>de</strong>n obtained a <strong>de</strong>cision <strong>of</strong> the EFTA Council that EFTA would be maintained“at least until satisfactory arrangements have been worked out in negotiationsto meet the various legitimate interests <strong>of</strong> all members <strong>of</strong> EFTA, and thus enablethem all to participate from the same date in an integrated <strong>European</strong> market.” Thisagreement was confirmed in a statement by the EFTA Council on July 31, whenMacmillan announced the British intention to apply for EEC membership. 29The previous unanimous support for the government’s <strong>European</strong> policy nowwas broken. Apart from the small Communist Party, which was as opposed as everto any kind <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> integration, two camps formed: on the one hand the Conservativeand the Liberal parties, who wanted Swe<strong>de</strong>n to follow and apply formembership, on the other hand the Social Democratic Government and the CentreParty who regar<strong>de</strong>d full membership as incompatible with neutrality and thereforeadvocated association.27. PRO, FO 371, vol. 150084 (551/152), Memorandum on the Future <strong>of</strong> OEEC submitted by Swe<strong>de</strong>n,Stockholm, March 4, 1960.28. I. HÄGGLÖF, Drömmen, p. 228-229; EFTA, Arch 20/00 II, Memorandum circulated by the Swedish<strong>de</strong>legation at the meeting <strong>of</strong> Heads <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>legations, May 16, 1961, and Records, Heads <strong>of</strong> Delegation,Twenty-third meeting, Geneva, May 16-17, 1961.29. Documents on Swedish Foreign Policy 1961, Stockholm 1962, pp. 106-109.

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