132Book reviews <strong>–</strong> Comptes rendus <strong>–</strong> Buchbesprechungenattempted to pressure France into accepting convergent monetary and tra<strong>de</strong> policies gaverise to French anxieties regarding the balance <strong>of</strong> power within the <strong>European</strong> communities.The book ends with a revealing chapter on Germany’s unification and its <strong>European</strong> implications.The author proves that France, as early as the second year <strong>of</strong> the Mitterand administration(1983), was prepared to go along with German unification provi<strong>de</strong>d the united Germanywas prepared to honour its security commitments to the West. He leaves no doubt that anincreasing amount <strong>of</strong> shared economic interests ma<strong>de</strong> it easier for France to pledge its supportfor eventual German unification. In a way France’s attitu<strong>de</strong> thus was pre<strong>de</strong>terminedwhen the GDR collapsed and Kohl promised to step up the pace <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> integration andthe creation <strong>of</strong> a <strong>European</strong> monetary union in exchange for France’s support <strong>of</strong> German unification.With all its merits this book suffers somewhat from an overly compartmentalized structurewhich sometimes, especially in the earlier parts, tends to obscure the chronologicalsequence <strong>of</strong> events. But this does not <strong>de</strong>tract from its value as a concise overview based onthe findings <strong>of</strong> most recent research (some the author’s own) and enriched by numerous referencesto German opinion polls.The German rea<strong>de</strong>r, in particular, will gain from using this book as a means to familiarizehimself/herself with the specifically French perspective <strong>of</strong> its topic, as he is ma<strong>de</strong> aware <strong>of</strong>the many pitfalls Germany’s foreign policy will have to avoid in or<strong>de</strong>r not to revive Frenchfears <strong>of</strong> “German uncertainties” and to maintain the high level <strong>of</strong> mutual un<strong>de</strong>rstanding thathas so far been achieved between the two countries. The author mentions a number <strong>of</strong> suchtraps <strong>–</strong> e.g. creating the impression <strong>of</strong> a German-American or even a German-American-Russian “axis” to make <strong>de</strong>cisions on Europe’s <strong>de</strong>stinies at the expense <strong>of</strong> Germany’s immediateneighbours or using the new members <strong>of</strong> the <strong>European</strong> Union as vehicles <strong>of</strong> an overbearingGerman influence. The Germans’ failure to come to terms with their past in thiscentury, the author feels, is likely to strengthen a ten<strong>de</strong>ncy in Germany to ignore such pitfalls.The German rea<strong>de</strong>r may be inclined to minimize such concerns and instead to emphasizethe very practical questions <strong>of</strong> economic growth and security as <strong>de</strong>terminants <strong>of</strong> Germany’sfuture foreign policy. One <strong>of</strong> these more practical aspects, as the author rightly pointsout, will be the “ability <strong>of</strong> Germany’s partners to accept the new <strong>European</strong> realities, whichstrengthen its position, and to grant Germany the role that befits it in the Greater Europe tobe rebuilt”. One may object, and the author actually makes this point himself, that manyGermans are none too eager to envisage such increased <strong>European</strong> responsibilities for theircountry, which in their view would fare better as another Switzerland. One may also arguethat, as a rule, <strong>European</strong> issues do not make headlines in today’s Germany and that a massivepopular backing for an enhanced German role in the <strong>European</strong> Union still has to be produced.At any event, this book has contributed to create a <strong>European</strong> environment conduciveto encourage the new Germany to play its role as a <strong>European</strong> partner and, maybe, as a pioneer.Klaus SchwabeThe Norwegian Nobel Institute, Oslo
Dieses Dokument wur<strong>de</strong> erstellt mit FrameMaker 4.0.4.Notices <strong>–</strong> Informations <strong>–</strong> Mitteilungen 133Notices <strong>–</strong> Informations <strong>–</strong> MitteilungenCooperation and ConflictWestern Europe and the United States since 1945Transatlantic conflicts and crises have been a recurring theme in the relationship betweenWestern Europe and the United States since 1945. More recent examples <strong>of</strong> such conflictsare the American criticism <strong>of</strong> the <strong>European</strong> Union's “constructive dialogue” with Iran andthe EU's strong opposition to the American tra<strong>de</strong> laws D'Amato and Helms-Burton. Nonetheless,the Atlantic Alliance proves to be surprisingly stable even after the end <strong>of</strong> the ColdWar and the <strong>de</strong>mise <strong>of</strong> an acute external threat and it is now fast approaching its enlargementtowards Central and Eastern Europe.The history, present and future, <strong>of</strong> the transatlantic relationship was the subject <strong>of</strong> the latestNobel Symposium, organized by the Norwegian Nobel Institute, which took place nearOslo on 9-12 April 1997. In a stimulating paper, inspired by the cultural history approach tointernational relations, Frank Costigliola (Rho<strong>de</strong> Island) explained the cohesion <strong>of</strong> theAtlantic Alliance as resulting from political acculturation. According to Costigliola, contactsbetween tourists, soldiers, managers and aca<strong>de</strong>mics contributed to the formation <strong>of</strong> an“Atlantic i<strong>de</strong>ntity” based primarily on the “common <strong>de</strong>mocratic heritage” and “a magnifiedsense <strong>of</strong> difference from the Soviet bloc”. The ritual <strong>of</strong> regular consultations and commonmanœuvres within the Atlantic Alliance generated “feelings <strong>of</strong> allegiance” to an extent thatNATO became “a kind <strong>of</strong> nation”. West <strong>European</strong> and American lea<strong>de</strong>rs, such as Dwight D.Eisenhower, first as Supreme Comman<strong>de</strong>r <strong>of</strong> NATO and then as American Presi<strong>de</strong>nt during1953-61, continuously revived and strengthened the existing transatlantic bonds by using aspecific, emotional and masculine language. Costigliola’s cultural explanation <strong>of</strong> the gluethat has kept Western Europe and the United States together since 1945 seemed to be vindicatedto some extent by the introductory remarks by Hans-Dietrich Genscher, the formerforeign minister <strong>of</strong> the Fe<strong>de</strong>ral Republic <strong>of</strong> Germany during 1974-92. In particular, Genscheremphasized that since its creation in 1949 NATO had always been more than a <strong>de</strong>fencealliance. Instead, it was “a community <strong>of</strong> states with shared values”.Most conference participants agreed that cultural history and discourse analysis could infuture contribute to a better un<strong>de</strong>rstanding <strong>of</strong> the un<strong>de</strong>rlying reasons for the continued allegianceto NATO as an imagined community among large sections <strong>of</strong> the political elites andthe general public in the member states. In fact, Alan Milward (EUI Florence) pointed outthat a similar approach might well prove beneficial in the context <strong>of</strong> the <strong>European</strong> Union.Nonetheless, some <strong>of</strong> Costigliola’s wi<strong>de</strong>r conclusions were clearly <strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt on a certaindisregard for the intricacies <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> history. For example, his claim that the <strong>de</strong>mocraticheritage as a key for explaining transatlantic cooperation and cohesion was equally “commonto Portugal and Turkey as well as Britain and France” would seem somewhat undifferentiatedto <strong>European</strong> historians. It also rather conveniently ignored that Portugal became amember <strong>of</strong> NATO at the time <strong>of</strong> the authoritarian Salazar regime and that Turkey and Greeceremained in NATO after the military coups <strong>of</strong> 1960 and 1967 respectively.In any case, those conference participants influenced by the realist school <strong>of</strong> internationalrelations doubted very much whether the community rhetoric analyzed by Costigliola everhad any real influence on the national foreign policies <strong>of</strong> the NATO states. Geir Lun<strong>de</strong>stad(Nobel Institute) argued, for example, that the transatlantic cohesion was mainly due to thespecific political and strategic interests <strong>of</strong> the West <strong>European</strong>s and the United States in anAmerican engagement in Western Europe, which in his view continue to influence the transatlanticrelationship after the end <strong>of</strong> the Cold War. According to Lun<strong>de</strong>stad, the main aim <strong>of</strong>