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166 / AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, <strong>1968</strong><br />

This was to prove wishful thinking.<br />

In order to head off the impending explosion, the United States tried to<br />

convince the United Arab Republic to revoke, suspend, or at least to limit<br />

implementation of its proclaimed blockade, and, at the same time, to restrain<br />

both Israel and Egypt from resorting to armed force. An even greater concern<br />

was to prevent the crisis from turning into a direct confrontation between<br />

the two nuclear superpowers. In its efforts, Washington employed a<br />

combination of normal bilateral diplomatic channels and multilateral approaches,<br />

ranging from the regular United Nations machinery to proposals<br />

for a declaration by the major maritime powers, backed up by a multinational<br />

flotilla, to challenge the blockade, if necessary.<br />

According to one report, President Johnson sent Premier Kosygin a personal<br />

message the day after the UNEF withdrawal, asking him to join with<br />

the United States in convincing both the Arabs and the Israelis to exercise<br />

restraint. Ambassador Goldberg also was instructed to impress on Soviet<br />

delegate Federenko that the United States was anxious to avoid a frontal clash<br />

with the Soviet Union. While the Russian reply handed Ambassador Llewellyn<br />

Thompson in Moscow was considered "reasonably encouraging" with<br />

regard to a direct confrontation, Moscow was not prepared to lend its support<br />

to a common solution of the crisis.<br />

UN Security Council Session<br />

Moscow's reservations quickly became apparent at the first session of the<br />

Security Council on May 24, called by Denmark and Canada. Federenko,<br />

who previously loudly proclaimed the danger of an imminent crisis created<br />

by Israeli and imperialist threats against Syria, completely changed his tune.<br />

He questioned the need for "so hastily" convening the Council, and charged<br />

that the Western powers "artificially fostered" a "dramatic climate" to justify<br />

intervention in the region. Ambassador Goldberg replied that the Council<br />

would be burying its head in the sand if it failed to consider a crisis on which<br />

world attention focused. He backed the Danish and Canadian suggestion that<br />

the Council formally endorse U Thant's peace efforts in Cairo, and announced<br />

United States willingness to join with the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom,<br />

and France, within and outside the United Nations, in restoring and maintaining<br />

peace in the Middle East. Federenko replied that Washington and<br />

London could prove their genuine interest in relaxing tensions by withdrawing<br />

their fleets from the Mediterranean, as a first step.<br />

Ambassador Awad el Kony of the UAR told the Council that Canada<br />

and Denmark were trying to sabotage the Secretary General's mission. The<br />

representatives of India, Bulgaria, and Mali joined the Soviet Union in refusing<br />

to participate in consultations. The French delegate noted that the<br />

Council could not act until the great powers reached agreement. The Council<br />

adjourned without action.<br />

On May 27 Thant reported to the Council on his discussions in Cairo.

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