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UNITED STATES AND UNITED NATIONS / 177<br />

the fifth principle, "respect for the political independence and territorial<br />

integrity of all states," the President added an important new qualification:<br />

This principle can be effective in the Middle East only on the basis of peace<br />

between the parties. The nations of the region have had only fragile and violated<br />

truce lines for 20 years. What they now need are recognized boundaries<br />

and other arrangements that will give them security against terror, destruction<br />

and war.<br />

He said, "certainly, troops must be withdrawn," but only if the other principles<br />

are also adopted. In his view, the demand for an immediate return to<br />

the situation as it was on June 4 was "not a prescription for peace but for<br />

renewed hostilities."<br />

While, in the preceding four years, the United States rejected as unrealistic<br />

and premature various UN proposals calling for the Arabs and the Israelis<br />

to enter into negotiations, Johnson's statement marked a return to the traditional<br />

American position of urging negotiated settlements. He declared:<br />

"Clearly the parties to the conflict must be the parties to the peace." The<br />

United Nations and other outside agencies, he held, might help them "reason<br />

together," but the "main responsibility for the peace of the region depends<br />

on its own people and its own leaders." He pledged that "in a climate of<br />

peace" the nations of the Middle East could count on the United States to<br />

"do our full share" to solve the refugee problem, support regional cooperation<br />

and economic development, including nuclear powered desalination projects<br />

to "make the deserts bloom."<br />

On June 20 Ambassador Goldberg introduced in the General Assembly<br />

a resolution incorporating the substance of the President's five principles. It<br />

scrupulously avoided casting blame on either party, and called for the achievement<br />

of peace "through negotiated agreements with appropriate third-party<br />

assistance."<br />

Soviet Demands<br />

The Soviet approach was quite different. Premier Kosygin charged "Israel,<br />

backed by bigger imperialist powers," with having committed aggression<br />

against its neighbors. He claimed that only severing of diplomatic ties by the<br />

Soviet Union and other states and the threat of sanctions had stopped the<br />

"unbridled aggressor" from continuing the invasion of Syria and conquering<br />

Damascus itself. He spoke of the mounting "atrocities and violence committed<br />

by the Israeli invaders," drawing a parallel between the behavior of<br />

the Israeli troops and the "heinous crimes perpetrated by the Fascists during<br />

World War II," and between the Israeli military governors and the Nazi<br />

Gauleiters in occupied Europe. He accused Israel of having long pursued a<br />

policy of "conquest and territorial expansion" and of evicting or "even exterminating"<br />

the indigenous population. He accused the United States, Britain,<br />

and West Germany of having given "direct encouragement" to Israel to commit<br />

aggression by bringing pressure to bear on the Arab states before the war.

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