1968_4_arabisraelwar

168 / AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1968
Egypt and the other Arab states could rely on America's "firm opposition
toward aggression in the area in any form.' 7 He failed to mention that the
authoritative Egyptian paper, Al Ahram, at the time had reported that the
American note also proposed retention and reactivation of UNEF forces,
about to withdraw from Egypt, pending UN resolution of the question; a
ban on UAR forces in Gaza and Sharm el Sheikh until the UAR guaranteed
freedom of shipping; and withdrawal of UAR and Israeli forces from the
border. The Cairo paper added that these proposals were rejected by Riad.)
Reports that Egypt was about to launch an attack disturbed both Washington
and Moscow. Arab public statements approached a peak of anti-Israel
fervor, and Nasser himself, in a speech on May 26, declared that Egypt was
"ready to embark on a general war with Israel" over the blockade issue, and
was confident that "our strength is sufficient to attain victory." On May
25 Kosygin reportedly sent a message to Johnson, which in effect accepted
the President's earlier suggestion that their governments exert their influence
on both sides to prevent war. Nasser later revealed that Johnson, on May 26,
presented a message to the Egyptian ambassador in Washington, warning
that Egypt "would face serious consequences" if it did not exercise restraint.
And a few hours later, Nasser recalled, the Soviet ambassador in Cairo
roused him at 3:30 A.M. to tell him that the Soviet government "strongly
requested" that "we should not be the first to open fire.'
The United States did not restrict its calls for restraint to the Arab side,
though the Arabs and Soviets claimed it did. Public pressure in Israel increased
for a quick and forceful reaction by the Israel government to the
blockade and the growing concentration of Arab troops on the borders.
When, on May 27, Eban returned to Israel from Washington, London, and
Paris with an appeal for more time, the members of the Cabinet were
evenly divided between immediate military action and giving diplomacy a
further chance. Prime Minister Eshkol adjourned the meeting that lasted all
evening until 1 A.M. on May 28, without pressing the vital question to a vote.
Two hours later, Ambassador Chuvakhin roused Eshkol to deliver a letter
from Kosygin—reportedly more moderate in tone than Moscow's public
propaganda blasts—asking Israel not to initiate the shooting. This was followed
at daybreak by the arrival of a letter from President Johnson, urging
Israel to exercise restraint and hinting of the danger of possible Soviet intervention.
The Cabinet met again later in the day to consider the Kosygin and
Johnson notes. According to Eshkol's statement, it overwhelmingly voted for
continued reliance on "political action in the world arena" to stimulate "international
factors to take effective measures to insure free international passage"
through the Strait of Tiran.
But Israel was not going to continue indefinitely to allow one of its vital
arteries to be cut or to breathe with only one lung, to use Eban's metaphors.
At his Washington and other meetings, Eban spoke of the solemn assurances
Israel had received before agreeing to withdraw from Sinai in 1957 (AJYB,