1968_4_arabisraelwar
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174 / AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1 9 6 8<br />
capitals. McCloskey replied: "We have tried to steer an even-handed course<br />
through this. Our position is neutral in thought, word and deed."<br />
The statement caused consternation among members of Congress and the<br />
press, who interpreted it as complete American indifference to what was<br />
happening. Many saw it as a sign that the United States was prepared to<br />
abandon Israel to its fate—and to those believing Cairo reports that fate<br />
appeared grim indeed, with Arab armies allegedly advancing on all fronts<br />
and Tel Aviv, Haifa, and Jerusalem under massive air attacks. Concerned<br />
over the impression created by McCloskey that the U.S. was selling out Israel,<br />
Johnson called in Rusk, who proceeded to explain to the newsmen that<br />
the United States was a "nonbelligerent," and that the "use of this word<br />
neutral—which is a great concept of international law—is not an expression<br />
of indifference, and indeed indifference is not permitted to us."<br />
Rusk's clarification failed to satisfy some Senators, among them Dirksen,<br />
Javits, Hugh Scott (Rep., Pa.) and Joseph S. Clark (Dem., Pa.). Clark declared<br />
that "morally, as well as legally, we are an ally of Israel. We are not<br />
neutral." Yet, despite the widespread sympathy for Israel on the first day<br />
of the war, no Senate leader suggested that the United States take military<br />
action to back Israel. The prevailing sentiment on June 5 was forcefully<br />
stated by Senator Richard D. Russell (Dem., Ga.), chairman of the Armed<br />
Services Committee, who told reporters that he was "unalterably opposed to<br />
any unilateral intervention" in the Middle East. Senator Mansfield indicated<br />
that there might have been more sentiment to help Israel, if not for "the<br />
situation in Vietnam." The Administration and the Senate, he said, had both<br />
"kept their cool" in the crisis.<br />
While McCloskey's remarks may have seemed callous at the time, a clear<br />
statement of American neutrality probably was the best support for Israel<br />
under the circumstances. By the time McCloskey spoke to the reporters,<br />
it was evening in the Middle East and the White House had confirmed intelligence<br />
reports that the Israel air force had virtually wiped out the Egyptian,<br />
Syrian, and Jordanian air forces and now had complete command of the<br />
skies. There was no longer any threat to Israel's population centers and therefore<br />
no need for American intervention.<br />
Soviet Reaction<br />
The only danger to Israel was from direct Soviet intervention. A firm<br />
posture of American nonbelligerence was thus useful to counteract the charges<br />
of American air support for Israel, which the Arabs propagated to draw in<br />
the Russians. When the story continued to be repeated despite Defense Department<br />
and State Department protests, Secretary Rusk went before the<br />
television cameras, June 6, and angrily and categorically denied the charge,<br />
which soon proved to have been invented by Nasser and Hussein in a radiotelephone<br />
conversation. According to the account in The Six Day War by<br />
Randolph S. and Winston S. Churchill, the Russians were also angered by