1968_4_arabisraelwar
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180 / AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, <strong>1968</strong><br />
cept the new draft urged upon them by Gromyko. The Arabs were not prepared<br />
to concede Israel's right to exist as the price for Israeli withdrawal.<br />
However, the episode was to have one positive result: it demonstrated to<br />
Moscow that Washington did not intend to humiliate it and score a propaganda<br />
victory, but would support any constructive moves to achieve a just<br />
peace settlement in the Middle East.<br />
On July 21 the Assembly adjourned "temporarily," after adopting by a<br />
vote of 63 to 26, with 27 abstentions, a resolution requesting the Secretary<br />
General to forward the records of the emergency session to the Security<br />
Council "to facilitate the resumption by the Council, as a matter of urgency,<br />
of its consideration of the tense situation in the Middle East." The Soviet<br />
Union and the other Eastern European states, except Albania, joined the<br />
United States and most Latin American and West European states in supporting<br />
the resolution, the Arab states voted against it, and Israel abstained.<br />
On September 18, the day before the opening of the regular fall session of<br />
the General Assembly, it met once more in emergency session and unanimously<br />
urged the Assembly to give "high priority" to the Middle East crisis.<br />
But while the situation in the Middle East figured prominently in the opening<br />
speeches of many UN delegates, the Assembly dealt only with the refugee<br />
question (p. 184) and left the overall political issues to the Security Council.<br />
Meanwhile, the Arab states had met in a summit conference at Khartoum<br />
at the end of August and, while reiterating their refusal to recognize Israel<br />
or to negotiate with it, left the door open to UN efforts for an acceptable<br />
political settlement. However, Syria and Algeria demanded that military action<br />
against Israel be continued.<br />
Security Council<br />
Resolution<br />
When the Council resumed discussion in November, after informal behindthe-scenes<br />
meetings, there appeared considerable movement toward a consensus.<br />
A resolution introduced by India, Nigeria, and Mali, and one subsequently<br />
introduced by the Soviet Union acknowledged the need to end the<br />
state of belligerency and to allow innocent passage through international<br />
waterways. But whereas these resolutions were very specific in laying down<br />
the terms for complete Israeli withdrawal and rather vague about the rights<br />
and guarantees the Arabs should offer Israel in return, a resolution offered<br />
by the United States was vague about the details of withdrawal and clear<br />
about the other elements to be included in the peace settlement.<br />
However, all agreed on the desirability of appointing a special UN envoy<br />
who would use quiet diplomacy in trying to find a way out of the impasse.<br />
The problem was agreement on the principles that should guide him and the<br />
scope of his mandate. Here the British stepped in and, making good use of<br />
their centuries of diplomatic experience, succeeded in drafting a resolution<br />
that was sufficiently clear in principle and vague in detail to permit each side<br />
to interpret it as supporting its own position.