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180 / AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, <strong>1968</strong><br />

cept the new draft urged upon them by Gromyko. The Arabs were not prepared<br />

to concede Israel's right to exist as the price for Israeli withdrawal.<br />

However, the episode was to have one positive result: it demonstrated to<br />

Moscow that Washington did not intend to humiliate it and score a propaganda<br />

victory, but would support any constructive moves to achieve a just<br />

peace settlement in the Middle East.<br />

On July 21 the Assembly adjourned "temporarily," after adopting by a<br />

vote of 63 to 26, with 27 abstentions, a resolution requesting the Secretary<br />

General to forward the records of the emergency session to the Security<br />

Council "to facilitate the resumption by the Council, as a matter of urgency,<br />

of its consideration of the tense situation in the Middle East." The Soviet<br />

Union and the other Eastern European states, except Albania, joined the<br />

United States and most Latin American and West European states in supporting<br />

the resolution, the Arab states voted against it, and Israel abstained.<br />

On September 18, the day before the opening of the regular fall session of<br />

the General Assembly, it met once more in emergency session and unanimously<br />

urged the Assembly to give "high priority" to the Middle East crisis.<br />

But while the situation in the Middle East figured prominently in the opening<br />

speeches of many UN delegates, the Assembly dealt only with the refugee<br />

question (p. 184) and left the overall political issues to the Security Council.<br />

Meanwhile, the Arab states had met in a summit conference at Khartoum<br />

at the end of August and, while reiterating their refusal to recognize Israel<br />

or to negotiate with it, left the door open to UN efforts for an acceptable<br />

political settlement. However, Syria and Algeria demanded that military action<br />

against Israel be continued.<br />

Security Council<br />

Resolution<br />

When the Council resumed discussion in November, after informal behindthe-scenes<br />

meetings, there appeared considerable movement toward a consensus.<br />

A resolution introduced by India, Nigeria, and Mali, and one subsequently<br />

introduced by the Soviet Union acknowledged the need to end the<br />

state of belligerency and to allow innocent passage through international<br />

waterways. But whereas these resolutions were very specific in laying down<br />

the terms for complete Israeli withdrawal and rather vague about the rights<br />

and guarantees the Arabs should offer Israel in return, a resolution offered<br />

by the United States was vague about the details of withdrawal and clear<br />

about the other elements to be included in the peace settlement.<br />

However, all agreed on the desirability of appointing a special UN envoy<br />

who would use quiet diplomacy in trying to find a way out of the impasse.<br />

The problem was agreement on the principles that should guide him and the<br />

scope of his mandate. Here the British stepped in and, making good use of<br />

their centuries of diplomatic experience, succeeded in drafting a resolution<br />

that was sufficiently clear in principle and vague in detail to permit each side<br />

to interpret it as supporting its own position.

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