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asia policy<br />

definitively address the North Korean nuclear problem from one perspective<br />

may require sacrificing a priority built into other perspectives.<br />

A Threat to Successful Deterrence<br />

Especially in defense circles, the highest priority for U.S. and regional<br />

interests has long been maintaining stability through deterrence. When<br />

deterrence-based stability is the overriding priority, barring a diplomatic<br />

miracle, the United States must effectively plan to live with a nuclear-armed<br />

North Korea. Diplomacy can help bolster deterrence but never undermine<br />

it. International sanctions are a peripheral concern. Preventive strikes on<br />

nuclear facilities are possible, but only if policymakers truly believe doing so<br />

would have a future deterrence benefit, which is debatable. A stability-first<br />

strategy toward North Korea involves preventing war through deterrence<br />

and getting a better grip on the provocation problem.<br />

First, deterrence of major war is a constant work in progress, not<br />

something to be taken for granted simply because the United States is<br />

the bigger power. Deterrence depends on a dynamic formula involving<br />

capabilities, interest, and resolve—what it takes to deter invasion or military<br />

adventurism changes depending on what North Korea does and has. North<br />

Korea tinkering with the size and composition of its military arsenal should<br />

compel the United States to frequently revisit contingency planning, force<br />

presence, and strategic signaling considerations.<br />

Second, whereas strategic deterrence has held on the Korean Peninsula<br />

for more than a half-century, tactical deterrence has repeatedly failed.<br />

North Korea has a long history of resorting to small-scale, isolated acts of<br />

militarized violence (“provocations”) against the United States and South<br />

Korea. U.S. policymakers have historically viewed these provocations<br />

as undesirable but basically acceptable as long as war did not break out<br />

anew. 1 But provocations are becoming a newly unacceptable problem<br />

because of pressures from Seoul. Since 2010, when North Korea twice<br />

attacked the South, the latter vowed “manifold retaliation” against North<br />

Korea the next time it engaged in violent provocations, and South Korea<br />

has been adjusting its military capabilities, doctrine, and force posture to<br />

make good on that threat. 2 In the wake of the 2010 attacks, South Korean<br />

public discourse has also increasingly favored developing an independent<br />

1 Van Jackson, Rival Reputations: Coercion and Credibility in U.S.–North Korea Relations (Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 2016).<br />

2 Ibid., 185.<br />

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