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asia policy firms that are known to have a connection to North Korean capital flows. Tracking the DPRK accounts themselves may be difficult, but as the Banco Delta Case demonstrates, it is possible to pursue such actions. Second, governments could target the marine owners, managers, and insurance providers that operate vessels bound for the DPRK. Payments must be made to the owners and managers of vessels entering North Korean ports, and if governments identified and targeted this revenue stream, their enforcement of sanctions would be much more effective. Finally, governments could target offshore intermediaries like Orion House that profit from setting up holding companies. In all three policy options, the target would not be the DPRK itself but the flow of money from the regime to third parties. If the international community is to continue to employ financial sanctions against the Kim regime as a deterrent to nuclear proliferation or human rights abuses, these connections to offshore capital must be addressed in a way that impedes capital flows between the regime and vessel owners. Measures that simply target the regime itself have not proved effective. The human rights crisis in the DPRK may be beyond imagination, but it is not beyond resolve. Effectively addressing this crisis, as well as North Korea’s growing nuclear weapons program, requires actions that expose the links to broader networks of subaltern capital. The failure to do so will enable the Kim regime’s survival and the North’s continued violation of human rights and nuclearization. [ 152 ]
asia policy, number 23 (January 2017), 153–73 • http://asiapolicy.nbr.org • book review roundtable Minxin Pei’s China’s Crony Capitalism: The Dynamics of Regime Decay Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016 ISBN: 978-0-6747-3729-7 (cloth) Yan Sun David Bachman Nicholas Calcina Howson Minxin Pei © The National Bureau of Asian Research, Seattle, Washington
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