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ifda dossier 74 - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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therefrom, and integration into the<br />

liberal international establishment<br />

through financial and trade collabora-<br />

tions on the other, mediated and facilit-<br />

ated by the dominant international<br />

framework of financial and development<br />

agencies. Something similar is likely to<br />

be attempted as the democratic mass<br />

movements in Hurma, South Korea and<br />

elsewhere gct channelised into the new<br />

regional gco-politics of transnational<br />

man;igen1eent.<br />

It would be a jaundiced view to take if<br />

one did not throw in one's lot with the<br />

various movements for den~ocratization<br />

and reden~ocratization globally, usually<br />

along the framework provided by West-<br />

ern liberal democracies. And yet, one<br />

has learnt over time how so many<br />

liberal democracies have promoted<br />

dualist structures arising from ii~tcgra-<br />

lion of the upper deciles into a growing<br />

world middle class and exclusion of the<br />

rest to become the world's underclass.<br />

'lhe latter consists of the rural poor,<br />

ethnicminorities and peripheral nationa-<br />

lities, the women pushed out by modern<br />

technology, the comn1unities displaced<br />

by large development projects and<br />

various other victims of the long histori-<br />

cal process that began with the colonial<br />

expansion of Europe in the various<br />

continents of the Third World. More-<br />

over, with such a divide engulfing one<br />

society after another, there is likely to<br />

be 'ecocide' on a large scale, undermin-<br />

ingthe resource endowments of these<br />

countries, particularly of their rural<br />

hinterlands, tribal populations and the<br />

poor generally.<br />

Somewhat similar consequences have<br />

also followed seemingly radical demands<br />

for a new international economic order,<br />

promoting greater transfer of technolog-<br />

ies, and with such transfers, collabora-<br />

tion with transnational corporations for<br />

modernizing domestic economies, raising<br />

exports and using foreign exchange<br />

surpluses built through migrant labour<br />

and the brain drain for makingggood<br />

the 'technological la$ from which these<br />

countries have been told (above all by<br />

their own scientists) they suffer. Above<br />

all, the same tendencies are likely to get<br />

a fillip following the chain of regional<br />

reconciliations (India and China, India<br />

and Pakistan, Vietnam, Kampuchea and<br />

Ihtiiland, in Western Sahara, or on the<br />

issue of Cyprus) sponsored by one or<br />

the other of the superpowers. 'Ihe<br />

moving spirit that has provided a ration-<br />

ale for many of these has been the<br />

same: making good one's technological<br />

la" releasing resources for moderniza-<br />

tion, getting integrated into the global<br />

framework of interdependence.<br />

It is in these newly emerging contexts<br />

of global and regional changes - and<br />

their domestic reflections - that new<br />

interventions from the bottom will need<br />

to take place, building no doubt on the<br />

positive forces that have been generated<br />

by the New Detente and making use of<br />

the breathing space and time provided<br />

by the same, but at the same time<br />

waging struggle against distortions of<br />

the same engineered by dominant<br />

structures of political, econon~ic and<br />

technological power. 'I'here is urgent<br />

need to generate counter-tendencies for<br />

a more fundamental realignment of<br />

forces that would utilize the new oppor-<br />

tunities for putting an end to a world<br />

structure that continues to be dualistic

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