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Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies Anthony Giddens defi nes self-identity as “the self as refl exively understood by the person in terms of her or his biography” (Giddens, 1991: 53). It would not be static but “something that has to be routinely created and sustained in the refl exive activities of the individual” (Giddens, 1991: 52). Self-identity means the descriptions that an individual makes of his or her role in the world, of how he or she is diff erent from others, and of what he or she has in common with others. It is infl uenced by and continuously produced and reproduced by social practices of humans in society. Th e various relationships that humans enter and the experiences they have in these relationships shape how an individual understands and describes himself or herself. Self-identity forms a foundation of communication processes in social relationships by which it is enabled and constrained. In particular phases of transition or loss, and the emergence of new roles in the life of an individual are also phases of instability of self-identity that can result in changes of selfdescription. In such phases, people enter or leave social groups that have certain collective identities and have to reposition their personal identities. Th ey might enter new groups where they are confronted with new collective identities that enable and constrain their personal identities and that are infl uenced by actions and communications based on their personal identities. Individuals, to a certain extent, identify with the identity of the social groups in which they act or of which they are part. Individual identity is a positioning of a human being towards all group identities with which she or he is confronted. Group identities emerge from continuous communication processes, which individuals enter with their personal identities, and they enable and constrain personal identities that again infl uence group identities, and so on. Hence, identity is a self-referential process that permanently connects an individual and a collective level. Some recent contributors to the literature have expressed serious doubts about whether identity and identification matter as much as social science appears to think they do. Th eir scepticism has some justification, and is a useful reminder that we should not take identity for granted. First, and most fundamentally, there are doubts about whether identity, in itself, actually causes behaviour. Martin (1995: 5), for example, has insisted that “identity”, despite its high profile in accounts of recent conflicts, such as in the Balkans, “fails to provide an explanation … [for] why actors are making certain utterances or why certain events are happening”. Th is was a response to claims that explicitly connected identity to actions, a response to assertions that, under the circumstances, the people concerned could not have done otherwise (and were, hence, blameless). Recently Malešević (2002: 62) has also put forward arguments broadly similar to Martin’s. In order to begin thinking about this issue, we must decide what we mean by “identity”. As a very basic starting point, identity is the human capacity – rooted in language – to know “who’s who” (and hence “what’s what”). Th is involves us knowing who we are, knowing who others are, them knowing who we are, us knowing who they think we are, and so on: a multidimensional classification or mapping of the human world and our places in it, as individuals and as members of collectivities. It is a process – identification – not a “thing”. It is not something that one can have, or not; it 104
How modern technology shape-shift s our identity is something that one does. Following Martin and Malešević, it cannot be said too oft en that identifi cation does not determine what humans do. Knowing “the map” – or even just approximately where we are – does not necessarily tell us where we should go next (although a better or worse route to our destination might be suggested). In modern society, virtual reality is part of our social reality. For most people, the Internet is more of a medium than a technology. Moreover, it is a shape-shift ing, borderless medium fi rmly in the hands of ordinary citizens bent on turning it to extraordinary ends. Cyberspace becomes a system that mediates and infl uences our cognition, communication and cooperation in everyday life, “ the material basis on which we live our existence, construct our systems or representation, practice our work, link up with other people, retrieve information, form our opinions, act in politics, and nurture our dreams” (Castells, 2001: 203). Th e anonymity of cyberspace enables an endless space of possible identities that humans can construct in online communication. Online personae are connected to the social life of the individual who feels a desire to act and communicate in certain ways online. Online characters are an expression of real-world experiences, desires, fantasies and ideas; they are connected to the offl ine world. If we know the endowment of an individual with diff erent types of capital, we cannot deduce his or her online identities. Th us, cyberspace off ers a niche for each of these specifi c facets of selfh ood. Some people even talk about how we can “deconstruct” ourselves online. We do not have to present ourselves in total – how we look, move, talk, our history, thoughts, feelings and personality, all in one big package. In diff erent environments, we can divvy up and present our characteristics in packets of various sizes and content. Th anks to thousands of online groups each devoted to a distinct professional, vocational or personal topic, we can express, highlight and develop specifi c interests and life experiences while setting aside others. When we join an online community, we oft en have a choice about how much, if any personal information should be placed into the members’ profi le database. Online communication tools even give us the choice about whether we want people to see how we look or hear our voice. Th e desire to remain anonymous refl ects the need to eliminate those critical features of our identity that we do not want to display in that particular environment or group. Th e desire to lurk – to hide completely – indicates the person’s need to split off his entire personal identity from his observing of those around him: he wants to look, but not be seen. Th e diff erent components of who we are can be categorized as either positive or negative. Th ere are some universal criteria that can help us distinguish the two. Most of the time we will criticize a person’s need to hurt other people and applaud compassion. But it is not necessary to present universal truisms about good and bad. Subjectively, a person can feel shame, guilt, fear, anxiety or hatred about some aspect of their identity, while accepting and appreciating other aspects. People also strive to attain new, idealized ways of being. Th ose who act out in cyberspace – who are in some way hurting or violating the rights of others, or hurting them – are usually discharging some negatively charged aspect of their psyche. Th is purely cathartic act oft en goes nowhere. An insecure, passive-aggressive person gets stuck in an endless 105
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C o n t e n t s Foreword . . . . .
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FOREWORD
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Cultural Identity Politics in the (
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PART ONE Histories, memories and na
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Notes on the authors PAŠKO BILIĆ
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Notes on the authors ANDREA KOMLOSY
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