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Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies In Southeastern Europe, as a territory where new states have been created and both majority and minority ethnic groups have been mobilized in search of identity (Appadurai, 2006), issues relating to memories are of major concern. In humanities and social sciences, the culture of memory (Kuljić, 2006) has been explored from diff erent perspectives, from forms of memorialization of social practices to forms of construction of social, political and cultural identities. Th e proliferation of research within contemporary social and cultural studies focused attention on the places of memories, methods of remembrance (media construction of memories) and, to a far lesser extent, policies of memory and oblivion as part of identity policies in transitional societies. However, in societies traumatized by long-term politics of oblivion and historical taboos, where private memories, collective memories and recorded, normative memories were not coherent, social confl icts and wars, ethnic hatred and diff erences between public and offi cial opinion brought a specifi c interest to memory studies. Memory was studied as a key element in the construction of national, ethnic or any other group identity which is opposed to other group identities sharing the same cultural, political, geographical and historical space. In Southeastern Europe, construction and representation of the past and reinterpretation of historical facts (events, historical fi gures, notions) within diff erent group identities were quite studied phenomena, in the educational system and in the media (Đerić, 2008; Stojanović, 2008), but not properly documented and researched within public cultural policies. Cultural policies of countries in transition (Đukić, 2003) have not dared to touch on issues of memory politics directly. Even when reinforcing national cultural identity was proclaimed as a main aim, this part of national cultural strategy was defi ned neither in law nor through instruments. Sometimes it meant the destruction and removal of the “memory of the other”, neglect or heritage conservation, but without making it “alive”. Th ese are three extremely diff erent strategies regarding “dissonant heritage” (Tunbridge and Ashworth, 1996) and, when applied, they could provoke fear and further exodus (as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where throughout the territories monuments representing the culture of “the other” were destroyed). Major instruments of memory policy as part of a national cultural policy intending to re-shape collective identity (through changing collective memories) are: - the creation or representation of certain types of narrative (fi nancing of fi lm production, repertory theatres, translations, museum collections, etc.); - the renaming of institutions, streets and squares, parks and bridges, etc; - the creation of new types of festivities, awards, celebrations, “homage” policies, etc; - the re-appropriation of institutions, sites or even the destruction of “dangerous” memories; - a policy towards memory spaces, burial sites (mausoleums, graveyards, etc.) and monument building or removing; 32
Cultural policies, identities and monument building in Southeastern Europe - burial policies and commemorative policies; - government decisions regarding the national symbols (anthem, fl ag or other insignia to represent national identity). Within policies of memory in Southeastern Europe that infl uence the collective consciousness, monument policies are most oft en used. Th rough a monument erected in a public space the message is easily transferred to the community; it enables political promotion (PR); it gives “face” to new values; it demonstrates power; it gives an illusion of creating something for eternity; it facilitates representation; it provokes “the other”; it controls “the other”, and so forth. Th is paper will deal with monument policies in Southeastern Europe in the period of transition, nationalistic uprisings, wars and divisions. Th rough exploring the reconstruction of memories through offi cial and populist monument projects, from Kosovo polje in 1989 to the Alexander the Great monument in Skopje in 2010, the research will try to prove the misuse of memories and historical representations as a form of hate speech, and to deconstruct this manipulation of memories used to create a new “national”, ethnic memory employing monuments as a strategic tool. We will also study art and artists challenging the offi cial policies of “monumentalization” of historical memories by creating their own monument projects. Monuments as artistic projects, permanent or ephemeral, are part of the culture of dissent, but also platforms for debating and presenting major cultural policy issues. Th e methodology of the research will be based on categories identifi ed by Kodrnja et al. (2010) and Slapšak (2009), re-adapted and further developed for the needs of this research. Th us we identifi ed three diff erent models of strategy and monument policy applied in diff erent phases of the postsocialist transition: - the model of anti-culture: - destruction (annihilation) strategy and strategy of oblivion - appropriation (renaming and re-contextualization) strategy - strategy of ignoring “the other” - strategy of provocation of “the other” - the model of “culturalization”: - monument building within new identity policies - decontextualization (universalization) strategy - musealization of the heritage of “the other” (policies of respect) - “gratitude” strategy - the model of dissent – creative dialogue: - counter-culture strategy, strategy of opposing within one’s own culture. Th e research will take into account major monument projects in countries of 33
Page 1 and 2: Cultural Transitions in Southeaster
Page 7 and 8: C o n t e n t s Foreword . . . . .
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Page 12 and 13: Cultural Identity Politics in the (
Page 17: PART ONE Histories, memories and na
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Cultural Identity Politics in the (
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Notes on the authors ANDREA KOMLOSY
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