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Cultural Identity Politics <strong>in</strong> the (Post-)Transitional Societies<br />

Southeastern Europe, but also the destruction of classifi ed monuments and cultural and<br />

religious <strong>in</strong>stitutions, as well as those actions by civil society (constructive and destructive)<br />

which are supported or clearly opposed by public policies. We would like to show how<br />

cultural policies, aim<strong>in</strong>g to re<strong>in</strong>force national identity, try to represent new values through<br />

a strategy of monument build<strong>in</strong>g, but also through allow<strong>in</strong>g populist movements to<br />

organize monument removal as a “spon taneous” practice, not pursued by law.<br />

Phase I – Post-socialist transition: the re-creation of national identities<br />

Aft er the fi rst multiparty elections held <strong>in</strong> 1990, <strong>in</strong> many republics of former<br />

Yugoslavia (especially Slovenia and Croatia), there were attempts to move towards<br />

Westernization and to become distanced from Yugoslavia and Yugoslavian common<br />

heritage, and these were fi rst expressed through attitudes towards the socialist past.<br />

Th us, a process of renam<strong>in</strong>g of schools, streets, squares and <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong> memory of<br />

anti-fascist movements and heroes of the Second World War quickly started.<br />

A major signifi cant event was the change of name of a square dedicated to the victims of<br />

fascism <strong>in</strong> Zagreb. On 10 December 1990 (Human Rights Day) the square was renamed<br />

<strong>in</strong> memory of famous Croatian people (S<strong>in</strong>ovčić, 2010). In Croatia and <strong>in</strong> other parts<br />

of Yugoslavia this was seen as a sign of Croatian nationalism deny<strong>in</strong>g the importance of<br />

anti-fascist battles and downplay<strong>in</strong>g the number of victims of fascism (mostly of Jewish,<br />

Serbian and Roma orig<strong>in</strong>). 1<br />

Th is was just a paradigm for all that would happen later <strong>in</strong> the 1990s, when the<br />

collective subconsciousness, colonized through a media war and hate speech, and<br />

supported by irresponsible academics (Dragićević Šešić, 1994), allowed its politicians<br />

to make abrupt and violent decisions and its soldiers to implement them. Th e policy<br />

of memory quickly materialized <strong>in</strong> present national identity policy, with<strong>in</strong> which<br />

monument policy had one of the most important places.<br />

Th e dissolution of Yugoslavia had brought <strong>in</strong>stability, as the spatial framework<br />

started to change not only through the secession of diff erent republics, but also through<br />

wars which changed their frontiers, at least temporarily. Th e destruction due both to<br />

the war and to economic transition changed urban spaces, which further destabilized<br />

communities for whom relationship to an area and its objects – tangible, non-movable<br />

heritage (build<strong>in</strong>gs, especially churches, city walls, apartment build<strong>in</strong>gs, factories, shops,<br />

etc.) – enabled collective memory, and gave confi dence and comfort, as well as a feel<strong>in</strong>g<br />

of identity. Th e partition of the country, with destruction of both the temporal and<br />

spatial framework, questioned values and collective memories. Th e physical destruction<br />

of cities, monuments and all other tangible objects which connected people with their<br />

1 In December 2000, aft er political changes, the square’s orig<strong>in</strong>al name was re<strong>in</strong>stated follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

a n<strong>in</strong>e-year long protest by Croatian <strong>in</strong>tellectuals who had formed a committee for the return<br />

of the name to the square.<br />

34

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