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Cultural Identity Politics in the (Post-)Transitional Societies following an encounter between ancient Macedonians and Slavic people who settled on this territory. Th at empowered them to use the ancient Macedonian heritage, incorporating it in the collective consciousness. It started with a fl ag, whose main symbol was taken from the Vergina archaeological site in northern Greece, and is continued today through numerous monuments to Philip and Alexander the Great throughout Macedonia (to Philip II in Bitola in 2008, and also in Prilep, and to Alexander the Great in Skopje). Making these monuments of Alexander and Philip Macedonian is part of a policy of memory, but also a policy of provocation of the neighbouring country (Greece). It has chosen a far away past to challenge Greece in a diplomatic battle (Alagjozovski, 2010) creating cultural wars both inside and outside the country. Before that, two things in Skopje’s monument policy had been important. Th ese were the creation of the huge cross on the top of the hill rising above Skopje (to celebrate 2,000 years of Christianity), and the monument to Skenderbeg on horseback in Stara Čaršija (2006, Toma Damo), the Albanian part of the city, with his back turned to the Albanians, but facing the Macedonian part of the city and the Christian cross. In a certain sense both monuments are “facing the other” – applying the provocation of “the other” strategy. Th e creation of monuments by the Macedonian community that were intended to irritate Greece and the Albanian community, and similar actions from the Albanian side, is an example of a monument policy as a model of anti-culture. Th e Ministry of Culture answered that they have no statement to make, as did the Agency for the Protection of Cultural Monuments: “Regarding Skenderbeg, I will not give any statement”, said Pasko Kuzman, 9 director, while city mayor Trifun Kostovski said that for him this object is just illegitimate construction (Australian Macedonian Weekly, 2006). Th is policy demands an exploration of a diachronical side to national identity, which all the countries of Southeastern Europe are developing in diff erent ways. In monument policy, Macedonians turned to ancient Macedonia, Serbs and Croats looked to medieval history (though they also emphasized the fi rst half of the 19th century as the birth of a modern state), Croats explored taboos and “heroes” of the Second World War, while Montenegrins have seen in the 19th century rule of King Nikola the real roots of their independence, autonomy and national specifi city. Th us, cultural policies found new “heroes” and new memory sites, contributing to the renationalization of cultural policies through monumentalization of oft en invented memories. Th e territories and cultures in the post-confl ict situation are continuing to fi ght with monuments and religious symbols which now cover the hills above multicultural cities. 9 Paško Kuzman the ideologist of antiquitization in Macedonia claims that if Macedonians fail to prove their direct links with ancient Macedonians, they will lose the diplomatic battle with Greece, and lose their right to Macedonian identity. 40
Cultural policies, identities and monument building in Southeastern Europe “Gratitude” strategy vs. strategy of oblivion A specifi c part of monument policy was to realize it through a strategy of gratitude, and this is a tradition in south-Slavic countries as part of their “civil society eff orts”. 10 Th e fi rst monument to Tolstoy outside Russia was erected in the village of Selce (Brač, Croatia) in 1907, as a sign of Slavic identity and resistance towards Italianization. It is specifi cally gratitude to the great Slavic writer for keeping Slavic nations respected, although oft en considered “non-historical” (depriving them of their rights for independence and autonomous development). Th e Monument of Gratitude to France in Belgrade, monuments to diff erent French generals (e.g. Franchet d’Esperey), and the naming of streets aft er personalities who had helped Serbia in the First World War to be recognized as a winner (such as the Swiss A. Reiss and the Greek Prime Minister Venizelos) or had helped in war eff orts (Scottish nurses such as Dr E. Inglis, B. McGregor, F. Sandes) and so forth, were part of a strategy to realize state memory (monument) policy. Th is tradition had continued in the new states. In the same village where the monument to Tolstoy was erected now lie monuments to Tuđman, Austrian Premier Mock and the German Minister of Foreign Aff airs H. D. Genscher. Th is confi rms the statement about Western biased foreign policies (which before negotiations and the war took a clear stand). Th e monument to Clinton in Priština refl ects the perception of the population of Southeastern Europe of the importance of the foreign factor. Th e fi lm Fuse/Gori vatra, by Pjer Žalica, Bosnia and Herzegovina 2004, described those feelings (with an ironic distance towards “gratitude”). Th e model of dissent – creative dialogue Th e only ones who had the courage to redefi ne relations towards the cultural heritage of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, apart from the eff orts of the Yugonostalgic diaspora (those who emigrated refusing to participate in the division of the country), were artistic circles. With their concepts and visions, they confronted the anachronistic monument policies of Southeastern Europe, conservative and retrograde as they were, neglecting the heritage of modernism. In this spirit Mrđan Bajic created a series of virtual monuments for the YugoMuseum. Inspired by the artefacts, events and myths which created but also destroyed Yugoslavia, Mrđan Bajic explored the hidden memories of both Tito’s and Milošević’s time. Each Bajić virtual sculpture is a monument which memorializes crucial events leading towards the civil war and the dissolution of the country. Th e Memorandum monument 10 Philanthropy was focusing national identity: merchants and rich citizens of Slavic origin gave money for theatres, as well as for monuments, such as the Monument of the Four Faiths, constructed in Čačak in 1930 and devoted to soldiers of four faiths (Christian: Orthodox and Catholic, Jewish and Islamic) killed in the First World War. 41
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