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innovations. Thus, the paper discusses the work of three major<br />

actors: Social entrepreneurs <strong>and</strong> NGOs promoting 100%<br />

organic farming, the companies selling inorganic fertilizer,<br />

<strong>and</strong> the government-sponsored agricultural instructures.<br />

The paper also traces the ethnomethodologies of innovation<br />

diffusion back to the American tradition of l<strong>and</strong>-grant collages<br />

<strong>and</strong> cooperative agricultural extension. It will be argued that<br />

this view of social innovation <strong>and</strong> societal entrepreneurship,<br />

following the work of Tarde, will lead us to new<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ings of the interface between society <strong>and</strong> economy,<br />

<strong>and</strong> to a new way of construing the ”political” in the economy.<br />

11:01<br />

Implementing diversity work<br />

Risberg, Annette<br />

Copenhagen Business School, Intercultural Communication<br />

<strong>and</strong> Management, Frederiksberg, Denmark<br />

Diversity literature talks about the necessity of top management<br />

support to success<strong>full</strong>y implement diversity management in<br />

organizations. But what does that mean? A case study of<br />

diversity work in a Swedish municipality reveals that top<br />

management support can be interpreted in different ways.<br />

The municipality puts lots of efforts in its diversity work <strong>and</strong><br />

almost all managers (<strong>and</strong> politicians) at top levels talk about<br />

how successful the organization is with its diversity work.<br />

The managers points to statistics <strong>and</strong> initiatives supporting<br />

their claims. At the same time, the staff doing the diversity<br />

work (diversity workers) experiences that the work they do is<br />

not supported by the top management for different reasons.<br />

This paper will explore further the different experiences of<br />

top management support <strong>and</strong> possible reasons for this. It will<br />

investigate how the diversity workers experience the situation<br />

<strong>and</strong> what affect their experienced lack of support might have<br />

on the diversity work. In the end, the paper will critically<br />

discuss the meaning of top management support for successful<br />

diversity work.<br />

11:02<br />

Diversity in Employment Relations – Implications for Job<br />

Quality <strong>and</strong> Job Satisfaction<br />

Kalleberg, Arne L. 1 ; Nesheim, Torstein 2 ; Olsen, Karen M. 3<br />

1 University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill,<br />

United States; 2 Institute for Research in Economics <strong>and</strong><br />

Business Administration (SNF), Bergen, Norway; 3 Norges<br />

H<strong>and</strong>elshøyskole (NHH), Bergen, Norway<br />

In this paper we examine how triadic employment relations<br />

shape job quality <strong>and</strong> job satisfaction. The use of workers from<br />

Temporary Help Agencies (THA) introduces complications<br />

into work arrangements by creating a triadic employment<br />

relationship between; the THA, the client organization, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

individual worker. The worker is employed by the THA but<br />

works at the client organization. Employment intermediaries,<br />

such as THAs, have a crucial role in assigning workers to jobs.<br />

In matching individuals to jobs, employment intermediaries<br />

may facilitate change or preserve inequalities in the labor<br />

market. The way THAs reward <strong>and</strong> assign agency workers<br />

to clients have been found to reinforce gender segregation<br />

in the labor market. The data we use consist of a survey of<br />

a representative sample of workers employed by THAs in<br />

Norway (N=2,678). Our main purpose is to examine how<br />

triadic employment relations, directly or indirectly through<br />

job quality, shape job satisfaction. According to conventional<br />

wisdom THAs provide workers with short-term, low-quality<br />

jobs, mainly providing flexibility for the employers at the<br />

expense of workers. However, in recent comparisons of job<br />

satisfaction between permanent <strong>and</strong> temporary workers, one<br />

has reported inconclusive findings, suggesting that agency<br />

workers not only have ‘bad’ jobs. By examining job quality<br />

<strong>and</strong> job satisfaction among employees of THAs, we aim<br />

to improve the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the role of employment<br />

intermediaries <strong>and</strong> client organizations in the labor market.<br />

We conceptualize triadic employment relations into four sets<br />

of factors: (1) employees’ role in the client organization, (2)<br />

support <strong>and</strong> time frame in client organization, (3) support <strong>and</strong><br />

time frame in the THA, <strong>and</strong> (4) the relations between the client<br />

organization <strong>and</strong> the THA. We examine how these four sets of<br />

factors, directly <strong>and</strong> indirectly through job quality, influence<br />

job satisfaction. Measurements of job quality include skills<br />

utilization, autonomy, pay, intrinsic rewards, insecurity, <strong>and</strong><br />

career opportunities. In addition we include to what extent<br />

individuals have a preference for temporary work. Preliminary<br />

findings show that there is a tendency for client organization<br />

being more important in shaping the content of job quality,<br />

whereas THAs is more important with regard to job quality<br />

reflecting the relation to the labor market. Both of these sets of<br />

factors are important to overall job satisfaction.<br />

11:03<br />

Defining <strong>and</strong> evaluating gender equality - introducing the GEI<br />

Gender equality within production <strong>and</strong> research in a hightechnology<br />

company<br />

Wahl, Anna; Linghag, Sophie<br />

KTH, Indek, Genus, organisation och ledning, Stockholm,<br />

Sweden<br />

What experience is there in gender equality, GE, <strong>and</strong> what<br />

conceptions do women <strong>and</strong> men in different parts of the same<br />

organization, namely within production <strong>and</strong> research, have<br />

about gender equality? Ways of thinking <strong>and</strong> talking about GE<br />

forms different prerequisites for working for change in relation<br />

to GE policies in the company. This paper is based on six<br />

group interviews with men <strong>and</strong> women respectively, in a large<br />

transnational male dominated company in technical industry. A<br />

gender equality index, a fictive scale from 1 to 10, was created<br />

for <strong>and</strong> used during the interviews. The index was a fruitful<br />

methodological invention as it helped participants in different<br />

groups to both articulate <strong>and</strong> interpret GE issues. The different<br />

ways of thinking about gender equality showed for example<br />

in the answers to the question of whether the company should<br />

try to recruit more women. The female research scientists have<br />

a positive attitude to recruiting more women. They believe<br />

that the management should lead the way by bringing in more<br />

women at the top thus creating a symbolic value for the entire<br />

company. The male research scientists are also positive to a<br />

more even gender distribution. However, they often hedge<br />

themselves by adding that this must be built from below <strong>and</strong><br />

that competence is important. The women in production are<br />

very positive to more women in all types of positions <strong>and</strong><br />

especially amongst managers. The men in production are<br />

positive in principle, but reserve themselves for hindrances<br />

existing with the women themselves <strong>and</strong> with the company.<br />

The view of GE within the company can be interpreted <strong>and</strong><br />

summarized in a few points: • Women see that gender equality<br />

results in increased competence • Women in all categories are<br />

positive to the company trying to increase the proportion of<br />

women • Men see faults in women <strong>and</strong> therefore perceive a<br />

risk that competence requirements will be lowered with gender<br />

equality • Women feel guilt when faced with investments in<br />

gender equality <strong>and</strong> are forced to prove their right to position<br />

through performance <strong>and</strong> loyalty to the culture • There is a<br />

divided attitude amongst men in general; in principal, they are<br />

positive to gender equality but perceive greater competition<br />

<strong>and</strong> a loss of opportunities, confirmation <strong>and</strong> culture. Problem<br />

areas identified in the study, <strong>and</strong> discussed in the paper, include<br />

gendered notions of competence, consequences of homosocial<br />

cultures <strong>and</strong> the impact of management on GE initiatives.<br />

91

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