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Die Zeitschrift für stud. iur. und junge Juristen - Iurratio

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Schwerpunkt<br />

Behavioural Finance and Financial Markets Regulation<br />

von Georgia Roussou (München / Athen)<br />

Georgia Roussou hat an der Universität Athen Rechtswissenschaft <strong>stud</strong>iert, einen LL.M. im Handelsrecht an derselben Universität erworben<br />

<strong>und</strong> <strong>stud</strong>iert gerade im Aufbau<strong>stud</strong>iengang „Europäisches <strong>und</strong> Internationales Wirtschaftsrecht“ an der LMU. Seit Oktober 2012 ist sie Stipendiatin<br />

der Universität Athen.<br />

<strong>Die</strong>ser Aufsatz ist eine gekürzte Fassung der Seminararbeit, die im Rahmen des Seminars „Behavioural Finance and European Financial Markets<br />

Regulation“ am European University Institute geschrieben wurde.<br />

Der zweite Teil dieses Artikels erscheint in <strong>Iurratio</strong> 4/2013.<br />

A. The relationship between EMH and Behavioural<br />

Finance<br />

Although throughout the history of economic thought the excessive<br />

reliance of economics on assumptions and the development of hypotheses<br />

had been criticized 1 , it cannot be ignored that the categorization<br />

of the observed phenomena and the formulation of conclusions<br />

is part of the methodology of every social science. One example of<br />

an economic theory relying on assumptions is the rational choice<br />

theory, a model used to explain the social and economic behavior<br />

of human beings. The basic insight of this theory is that people are<br />

rationally self-interested, which means that they act as if they would<br />

be balancing costs and benefits in order to select what they think<br />

corresponds to their best interests 2 .<br />

Related to the rational choice theory is the Efficient Market Hypothesis<br />

(EMH), introduced by Eugene Fama in the year 1970. This theory<br />

is nothing more than an economic model, which assumes that the<br />

market is naturally efficient and that individuals are perfectly rational.<br />

Their decisions rely on complete and homogenous information<br />

sets, which allow them to predict future market returns. Under these<br />

circumstances, it is impossible for the participants in the economic<br />

procedure to beat the market by using preferential information as<br />

this information has already been embed in the market’s structure.<br />

By this way the price of the products in an efficient market reflects<br />

all relevant information and the stocks always trade at their fair value<br />

on stock exchanges. These assumptions lead to the conclusion that all<br />

the participants make financial decisions not only by starting off the<br />

same sets of information but also by thinking rationally with the core<br />

aim of maximizing their profit. According to the EMH, information<br />

has a great importance due to the capability of market players to<br />

acquire and evaluate the facts by the same rational way, a capability<br />

which leads them to the best possible financial decisions.<br />

The EMH had met an important acceptance and had also greatly influenced<br />

academics until the 1990s, when the classical financial theory<br />

was disputed by the findings of behavioural economists. More<br />

specifically, the strong empirical evidence and theoretical doubts<br />

formulated by a notable number of scholars led to the development<br />

of a new economical approach (Behavioural Finance), which questions<br />

central principles of the EMH, such as the conception of the<br />

homo economicus and its perfect rationality. However this theoretical<br />

1 Rappaport, in: Journal of Economic Methodology 1996, 215.<br />

2 McEachern, Economic Principles, A contemporary Introduction, 9 th ed., page 6.<br />

dispute has not signaled the absolute reject of the EMH, which is in<br />

essence up to the present still valid.<br />

The imperfections of markets and the deviation of market participants<br />

from those decisions which would allow them to maximize<br />

their profit were observed years earlier than the formulation of behavioural<br />

finance 3 . But it was not only these observations, but also<br />

concrete proposed psychological explanations of human behaviors<br />

which led to the dispute of the EMH. Only when economists became<br />

aware of certain advances made in the field of cognitive psychology,<br />

they were able to compare the economic models of rational behavioral<br />

to the cognitive models of decision making <strong>und</strong>er risk <strong>und</strong><br />

uncertainty. H. Shefrin, who is considered as one of the fo<strong>und</strong>ers of<br />

Behavioural Finance, put this event in early 1980s 4 , when D. Kahneman,<br />

P. Slovic and A. Tversky first published a paper 5 , which indicated<br />

that there are certain reasons for the deviation of the human<br />

behavior from the proposed perfect rationality of EMH’s supporters.<br />

Not only the scholars mentioned above, but also others subsequent<br />

academics such as J. Arlen, M. Spitzer and E. Talley stand for that “a<br />

remarkable number of experimental and empirical evidence suggests<br />

that people’s behavior deviates from the traditional account, often in<br />

systematic ways” 6 or that “everyone in our days recognizes that there<br />

is a large gap between the manner in which economists traditionally<br />

assume that people think and act, and the manner in which people actually<br />

think and act” 7 .<br />

At this point, it is important to clarify the logical connection of economic<br />

theories and financial models to the legal scholarship. At first<br />

glance one would assume that the legal scholarship has limited relationship<br />

with the teachings and the suggested models of economics,<br />

whereas there could be skepticism to the principle that the legislator<br />

should take into account the economic doctrines. But it seems evident<br />

that economics can offer useful indications for the legal policies<br />

not only to the fields of regulated industries or to antitrust law as it is<br />

widely believed. More specifically, the economic discipline can provide<br />

a solid and circumstantial basis concerning two things: the reaction<br />

of people to everyday situations, as well as their response to legal<br />

rules and sanctions 8 . The use of the findings of economics for this<br />

purpose can complement or <strong>und</strong>er circumstances replace the intui-<br />

3 Walker, in: Hong Kong Law Journal 2006, 481 (483, 484).<br />

4 Walker, id.<br />

5 Kahneman, Slovic, Tversky, Judgement Under Uncertainty: Heuristics and Biases, 1 st ed.<br />

6 Arlen et al., in: USC Law and Economics 2001, 29 (32).<br />

7 Prentice, in: Duke Law Journal 2002, 1399 (1413).<br />

8 Cooter, Ulen, Law & Economics, 6 th ed., page 3.<br />

124<br />

<strong>Iurratio</strong><br />

Ausgabe 3 / 2013

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