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future of many countries in this region represents a particular challenge. The<br />

democratisation of the regimes of some countries such as Egypt, which Western players<br />

generally consider worth supporting in the long term, could in the medium term not only<br />

lead to at first increased instability in the region, but also to a government takeover by<br />

increasingly fundamentalist powers, thus posing a special challenge for international<br />

cooperation.<br />

Ideological differences, for example regarding the importance of religion, state, nation and<br />

country as well as the use of violence as a political instrument complicate the development of<br />

stable and trusted international relations. Peak oil is expected to lead to an increase in<br />

importance and formative power of the predominantly Islamic producer countries of the<br />

region, thus potentially enabling them to exploit their supply relationships along ideological<br />

lines of conflict. This is not to explicitly suggest the controversial idea of a potential “clash of<br />

cultures”, fought by means of energy resources. However, instances of exploitation of energy<br />

relations triggered by political events such as the controversy surrounding Danish caricatures<br />

of the prophet Muhammad are indeed conceivable. 175<br />

Furthermore, the wealth accumulated through oil production in the Gulf States could<br />

potentially exacerbate ideological and political differences between Western, liberaldemocratic<br />

industrial nations on the one side and Islamic states on the other. Various studies<br />

on the phenomenon of rentier states as well as Thomas Friedman’s “First Law of<br />

Petropolitics” point out that oil prices, respectively a country’s oil riches and the resulting<br />

wealth of oil-producing countries potentially correlate to slow or non-existing democratic<br />

development. 176 Based on this assumption, it could be concluded that peak oil promotes the<br />

undermining of democratic developments, which in turn could greatly invalidate the efforts<br />

of Germany and the European Union for democratisation in producer countries. In light of<br />

the demographic intermingling of Germany and Europe with Islamic countries, an increasing<br />

aggravation of ideological lines of conflict would also add to conflict potential within society,<br />

thus underlining the necessity for dialogue and the establishment of resilient partnerships.<br />

Against this backdrop, the need for Western actors to gain a nuanced overview of the political<br />

and social structures of countries in these regions and to identify and support those powers<br />

that peacefully advocate change in their countries arises. 177 The above already points to the<br />

conflict between self-interest and ethical values in foreign policy, which will be discussed<br />

further in Chapter 4.3.<br />

175 In September 2005, controversy surrounding these caricatures led to violent protests and calls for boycott in parts of the Arab world. Iran severed all trade ties with<br />

Denmark. Especially in a case like this, but also in the context of increasingly selective supply relations in general, it is questionable whether liberal democratic industrial<br />

nations such as Germany would be among the favoured recipient countries. While intercultural dialogue should not be a means to an end but the end itself, this example<br />

nevertheless underlines the urgent necessity for dialogue between the "West" and the Islamic world.<br />

176 Cf. Michael Lewin Ross, “Does Oil hinder Democracy?”, World Politics, Vol. 53, No. 3 (April 2001), 325–361; Thomas L. Friedman, “The First Law of Petropolitics”,<br />

Foreign Policy, Vol. 154 (May/June 2006), 28-39.<br />

177 Volker Perthes of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) points out that this includes accepting that civil society is not made up only of<br />

players that engage in secular discourse, but also of conservative Islamic powers. According to Perthes, without the national moderate powers of Islam, there can be no<br />

lasting political reform in the Arab world. Cf. Volker Perthes, “Perspektiven auf den radikalen Islamismus. Generationen des Zorns”, Qantara (September 2008),<br />

http://de.qantara.de/webcom/show_article.php/_c-638/_nr-28/_p-1/i.html (accessed on 14 October 2010)<br />

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