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(239) a. Ta eo kwo-j kōmmanmōn jikin kallib eo n#an e? what the.s 2s.agr-T(pres) fix place.of plant the.s for 3s.abs 'What are you fixing the garden for (it)?' b. *Ta eo kwo-j kōmmanmōn jikin kallib eo n#an? what the.s 2s.agr-T(pres) fix place.of plant the.s for 'What are you fixing the garden for?' (240) a. Ia eo kwo-j etal n#an ie? where the.s 2s.agr-T(pres) go to there 'Where are you going to (there)?' b. *Ia eo kwo-j etal n#an? where the.s 2s.agr-T(pres) go to 'Where are you going to?' However a resumptive element is not obligatory with all prepositions. For example ion 'on' does not require a resumptive element. (241) Wōn eo je-naj likit a-d kejatdrikdrik ion? Wōn eo je-naaj likūt a-d kōjatdikdik ion? who the.s 1pl.in.agr-T(fut) place gnr.poss-1pl.in hope on? 'Who will we place our hope on?' (Tomeing 2008) Likewise, when a wh- word is extracted from a prepositional phrase headed by ippān 'with,' a resumptive element, such as a pronoun, may not occur (242b). (242) a. Wōn eo kw-ar mwijbar ippā-n? who the.s 2s.agr-T(past) cut.hair.intrans with-3s 'Who cut your hair?' (lit. 'Who did you cut hair with?') b. *Wōn eo kw-ar mwijbar ippā-n e? who the.s 2s.agr-T(past) cut.hair.intrans with-3s 3s.abs 'Who cut your hair?' (lit. 'Who did you cut hair with?') 2.3.4.2.6 Indirect wh- questions The syntax of indirect wh- questions is similar to that of monoclausal wh- questions in that if the determiner is required in a monoclausal wh- question involving movement, it is 86
equired in an indirect wh- question. Therefore, with wh- words like ia (243) and ta (244), a determiner must follow the wh- word when it precedes the embedded clause. (243) a. Isaac e-ar jab lo-e ia eo re-j bōk kōrā Isaac 3s.agr-T(past) neg see-obj where the.s 3pl.agr-T(pres) take woman eo n#an e. the.s to 3s.abs 'Isaac didn't see where they are taking the woman to.' b. *Isaac e-ar jab lo-e ia re-j bōk kōrā eo Isaac 3s.agr-T(past) neg see-obj where 3pl.agr-T(pres) take woman the.s n#an e. to 3s.abs 'Isaac didn't see where they are taking the woman to.' (244) a. I-jaje ta ko leddik ro re-j 1s.agr-don't.know what the.pl.nh girl the.pl.h 3pl.agr-T(pres) āj-i. weave.trans-obj 'I don't know what the girls are weaving.' b. *I-jaje ta leddik ro re-j āj-i. 1s.agr-don't.know what girl the.pl.h 3pl.agr-T(pres) weave.trans-obj 'I don't know what the girls are weaving.' If a determiner is prohibited in a monoclausal wh- question, then it is also prohibited in an indirect question, as is the case with etke 'why'. (245) a. I-jaje etke Isaac e-ar jiniete leddik eo ilo 1s.agr-don't.know why Isaac 3s.agr-T(past) show.around girl the.s in town eo. town the.s 'I don't know why Isaac showed the girl around town.' b. *I-jaje etke eo Isaac e-ar jiniete leddik eo 1s.agr-don't.know why the.s Isaac 3s.agr-T(past) show.around girl the.s ilo town eo. in town the.s 'I don't know why Isaac showed the girl around town.' 87
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES .
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3.3.2.4 Final subjects and right di
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Location
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .intrans intr
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many peo
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Marshallese teachers in Majuro: Isa
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VITA October 29, 1974 Born, Mesa, A
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ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Subjec
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Chapter 1. Introduction Why study l
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Figure 1. Location of the Republic
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their late childhood years. All con
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fewer then 10,000 speakers. These l
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phonological and information status
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three secondary places of articulat
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Table 5. Marshallese diphthongs (ad
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showing the orthography used by the
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Demonstratives also have a human/no
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(11) E-ar den#ōt ladik ro. E-ar de
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languages, in which "a disjunctive
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(30) a. Mary e-kar lotak ilo Namori
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2.2.5 Adjectives 6 Marshallese has
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When ka- prefixes to an intransitiv
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In examples containing the causativ
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However, this verb is more complica
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When the verb contains a high vowel
Page 53 and 54: (64) Oror eo, piik eo e-ar kokkure.
Page 55 and 56: (70) ar 'toward the lagoon side' ā
Page 57 and 58: intransitive or transitive form (if
Page 59 and 60: Ungrammatical examples, in which th
Page 61 and 62: 2.2.6.4.5 Underlyingly transitive -
Page 63 and 64: (94) intransitive transitive Englis
Page 65 and 66: (100) I-lukkuun kōnaan eon#ōd ek.
Page 67 and 68: (104) Noun Verb Source at 'hat' ata
Page 69 and 70: an 'won't', negative future. (109)
Page 71 and 72: There is also an adverb that relate
Page 73 and 74: . *Kw-ar le ke lok mōn#ā eo n#an
Page 75 and 76: morphemes are possible. Based on th
Page 77 and 78: (141) Laddik nana eo e-ar etal im k
Page 79 and 80: In addition to the standard relativ
Page 81 and 82: (153) Leddik eo e-ar koot-e būruo-
Page 83 and 84: Table 12. Possessive classifiers 13
Page 85 and 86: (165) Bōlen i-naaj wia a-n Mary ju
Page 87 and 88: 2.3.3.1 Verbless sentences There is
Page 89 and 90: 2.3.3.2 Sentences with overt verbs
Page 91 and 92: (188) Ritti bwebwenato eo mokta ipp
Page 93 and 94: (198) *Ke John e-j kōnono ippā-n
Page 95 and 96: (205) a. I-jaje e-j ke ka-ire kaula
Page 97 and 98: ta 'what' (210) a. Ta ko kidu ko re
Page 99 and 100: with a plural agreement clitic (220
Page 101 and 102: 2.3.4.2.3.3 Class 3 There are also
Page 103: 2.3.4.2.5 Resumptive elements With
Page 107 and 108: . Mary e-ar ron# n#āāt eo Jikko e
Page 109 and 110: 3.1 Introduction Chapter 3. Basic W
Page 111 and 112: sentence final This term refers to
Page 113 and 114: have right dislocated subjects. I w
Page 115 and 116: But it is possible for the PP argum
Page 117 and 118: First, the subject may be sentence
Page 119 and 120: The generalization for those transi
Page 121 and 122: *V S CP b.*E-kōnaan pastō eo bwe
Page 123 and 124: V S CP b. E-ar jelā kōrā eo bwe
Page 125 and 126: S V (288) a. Irooj ro re-naaj ettō
Page 127 and 128: V PP S (293) Re-j kōnono ippā-n l
Page 129 and 130: This sentence includes a pause of a
Page 131 and 132: Sentences with internal subjects la
Page 133 and 134: Right dislocation refers to a proce
Page 135 and 136: (272) Rej bōkĜok bwiro ko [pause]
Page 137 and 138: Gundel (1974) and Chafe (1976, 1987
Page 139 and 140: 3.3.2.2 Indefinites A second diagno
Page 141 and 142: If we first investigate whether the
Page 143 and 144: The second context in which these s
Page 145 and 146: information status of internal subj
Page 147 and 148: Mokilese also allows variable word
Page 149 and 150: (329) a. Mwet sac arulac puhlaik. p
Page 151 and 152: Chapter 4. The Structure of Marshal
Page 153 and 154: V S (289) b. E-ju ni eo. 3s.agr-be.
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(339) a. Bilal e-naaj ke etal n#an
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(347) a. Kidu eo e-kar kōpl-e. dog
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4.1.2 Adverbs and the negative Anot
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When combined with constituency evi
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such as wh- or focus movement. Sinc
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(364) AgrSP prom AgrS e 3s AgrS' T
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(367) a. R-ar bar unojidrikdrik kō
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correct, as illustrated by the fact
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Bajjek must precede the internal su
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vP coordination; and across the boa
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In order for this to be the correct
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(384) AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' T 4.2.5
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features. Therefore, if the subject
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position higher in the structure th
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Given this ordering, if bar precede
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(398) a. Li individuano facilmente,
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(401) [R-ar tutu i ar] im [r-ar eon
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(409) R-ar tutu [i lik leddik ro] i
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However, there are two flaws with t
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phonological pattern seems to be on
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(415) AgrSPm tl AgrS r 3pl AgrS' Vj
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4.4 The structure of sentences with
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*V S O PP (423) [FocP [AgrSP [AccP
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Table 19. Subject position with CP
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specifier of the verb phrase. If th
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But there are no sentence modifying
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5.1 Introduction Chapter 5. Passive
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words, how do we really know that M
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intransitive form of the verb. Alte
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(444) a. R-ar lemelm jaki ko ilo mw
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(452) Ilo manit in Majel, leddik re
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Agent phrases headed by these three
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(462) *Nuknuk eo a-ō e-būrōrō i
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(469) a. Mon wia eo e-ar etal. plac
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c. *Irooj ro r-ar bōnbōn in leroo
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the stative form. For example, jebj
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Stative sentences also allow postve
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. E-abwinmake likao eo jān jine-n.
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c. *Leddik eo e-kar den#den# in lad
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Instead, Collins proposes the struc
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(514) This structure also includes
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(515) DPj amimōno ko 'the handcraf
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5.5.2 Sentences internal subjects a
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(518) In passives, the VP must move
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(519) AgrSP AgrS r 3pl In accordanc
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But in a sentence containing an ipp
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5.7 Summary In this chapter, I have
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verbs have two important properties
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The data presented in Table 21 show
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(532) c. *Kōrā ro r-ar lōmnak in
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Despite appearing to occupy the sam
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It is difficult to distinguish betw
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(551) a. Ri-jerakrōk ro r-ar i-tok
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6.5.2 Monoclausal infinitives - typ
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The subject may also be sentence fi
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(572) Kweilok eo e-ar ijjino in Wat
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(578) a. *E-ar kajjion# taktō eo i
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Wurmbrand shows that, in the case o
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difficulty articulating the differe
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However, dummy subject are not poss
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(601) AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' TP T Th
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(604) DPj jaki ko 'the mats' AgrSP
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and incorporates with Voice. Thus a
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others. The behavior of the differe
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verbs that moved to X, we would exp
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internal, then the movement of the
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Chapter 7. Conclusions and Discussi
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References Abo, Takaji, Byron W. Be
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Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist Inq
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Kayne, Richard S. 1994. The Antisym
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Rizzi, Luigi. 2001. On the position
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