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. *E-ar etal bar. 3s.agr-T(past) go again 'She went again.' (357) a. Kōrkōr ko re-j bar iāekwōj i ar. canoe the.pl.nh 3pl.agr-T(pres) again race.intrans in lagoon 'The canoes are racing in the lagoon again.' b. *Kōrkōr ko r-ar iāekwōj bar ilo malo. canoe the.pl.nh 3pl.agr-T(past) race.intrans again in lagoon 'The canoes raced in the lagoon again.' Therefore the verb cannot be raising to a position in the structure above this adverb, such as AgrS. Another diagnostic we can use for verb position is the position of the verb with respect to the negative. In Marshallese, the verb must follow the negative jab. 27 (358) a. E-ar jab etal. 3s.agr-T(past) neg go 'She didn't go.' b. *E-ar etal jab. 3s.agr-T(past) go neg 'She didn't go.' (359) a. Kōrkōr ko re-j jab iāekwōj i ar. canoe the.pl.nh 3pl.agr-T(pres) neg race.intrans in lagoon 'The canoes aren't racing in the lagoon.' b. *Kōrkōr ko re-j iāekwōj jab ilo malo. canoe the.pl.nh 3pl.agr-T(pres) race.intrans neg in lagoon 'The canoes aren't racing in the lagoon.' Since the Marshallese verb follows neg, we can conclude that Marshallese is like English and not like French in that its verb does not move to a position high in the structure. 27 At this point, I do not know whether the Marshallese negative like a head or an adverb. 142
When combined with constituency evidence, there is a strong case for concluding that the verb is not raising to AgrS, as Hale proposed. Rather than assume that the verb raises to AgrS, I propose that the verb raises to a position lower in the structure, to the head of a phrase just above the verb phrase, as shown in (360). (360) DPj ni eo 'the coconut tree' AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' This tree indicates that the head to which the verb moves and adjoins is located between tense and the verb phrase. However, based on the fact that the verb follows the adverb bar 'again' and the negative jab, we also can assume that the position to which the verb moves is below ASPcont ('again') in Cinque's hierarchy of adverbs. TP T Vi T' X ju 'be tall and straight' XP X 143 X' VP ti tj
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES .
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3.3.2.4 Final subjects and right di
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Location
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .intrans intr
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many peo
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Marshallese teachers in Majuro: Isa
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VITA October 29, 1974 Born, Mesa, A
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ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Subjec
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Chapter 1. Introduction Why study l
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Figure 1. Location of the Republic
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their late childhood years. All con
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fewer then 10,000 speakers. These l
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phonological and information status
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three secondary places of articulat
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Table 5. Marshallese diphthongs (ad
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showing the orthography used by the
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Demonstratives also have a human/no
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(11) E-ar den#ōt ladik ro. E-ar de
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languages, in which "a disjunctive
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(30) a. Mary e-kar lotak ilo Namori
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2.2.5 Adjectives 6 Marshallese has
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When ka- prefixes to an intransitiv
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In examples containing the causativ
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However, this verb is more complica
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When the verb contains a high vowel
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(64) Oror eo, piik eo e-ar kokkure.
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(70) ar 'toward the lagoon side' ā
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intransitive or transitive form (if
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Ungrammatical examples, in which th
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2.2.6.4.5 Underlyingly transitive -
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(94) intransitive transitive Englis
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(100) I-lukkuun kōnaan eon#ōd ek.
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(104) Noun Verb Source at 'hat' ata
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an 'won't', negative future. (109)
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There is also an adverb that relate
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. *Kw-ar le ke lok mōn#ā eo n#an
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morphemes are possible. Based on th
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(141) Laddik nana eo e-ar etal im k
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In addition to the standard relativ
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(153) Leddik eo e-ar koot-e būruo-
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Table 12. Possessive classifiers 13
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(165) Bōlen i-naaj wia a-n Mary ju
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2.3.3.1 Verbless sentences There is
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2.3.3.2 Sentences with overt verbs
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(188) Ritti bwebwenato eo mokta ipp
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(198) *Ke John e-j kōnono ippā-n
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(205) a. I-jaje e-j ke ka-ire kaula
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ta 'what' (210) a. Ta ko kidu ko re
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with a plural agreement clitic (220
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2.3.4.2.3.3 Class 3 There are also
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2.3.4.2.5 Resumptive elements With
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equired in an indirect wh- question
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. Mary e-ar ron# n#āāt eo Jikko e
Page 109 and 110: 3.1 Introduction Chapter 3. Basic W
Page 111 and 112: sentence final This term refers to
Page 113 and 114: have right dislocated subjects. I w
Page 115 and 116: But it is possible for the PP argum
Page 117 and 118: First, the subject may be sentence
Page 119 and 120: The generalization for those transi
Page 121 and 122: *V S CP b.*E-kōnaan pastō eo bwe
Page 123 and 124: V S CP b. E-ar jelā kōrā eo bwe
Page 125 and 126: S V (288) a. Irooj ro re-naaj ettō
Page 127 and 128: V PP S (293) Re-j kōnono ippā-n l
Page 129 and 130: This sentence includes a pause of a
Page 131 and 132: Sentences with internal subjects la
Page 133 and 134: Right dislocation refers to a proce
Page 135 and 136: (272) Rej bōkĜok bwiro ko [pause]
Page 137 and 138: Gundel (1974) and Chafe (1976, 1987
Page 139 and 140: 3.3.2.2 Indefinites A second diagno
Page 141 and 142: If we first investigate whether the
Page 143 and 144: The second context in which these s
Page 145 and 146: information status of internal subj
Page 147 and 148: Mokilese also allows variable word
Page 149 and 150: (329) a. Mwet sac arulac puhlaik. p
Page 151 and 152: Chapter 4. The Structure of Marshal
Page 153 and 154: V S (289) b. E-ju ni eo. 3s.agr-be.
Page 155 and 156: (339) a. Bilal e-naaj ke etal n#an
Page 157 and 158: (347) a. Kidu eo e-kar kōpl-e. dog
Page 159: 4.1.2 Adverbs and the negative Anot
Page 163 and 164: such as wh- or focus movement. Sinc
Page 165 and 166: (364) AgrSP prom AgrS e 3s AgrS' T
Page 167 and 168: (367) a. R-ar bar unojidrikdrik kō
Page 169 and 170: correct, as illustrated by the fact
Page 171 and 172: Bajjek must precede the internal su
Page 173 and 174: vP coordination; and across the boa
Page 175 and 176: In order for this to be the correct
Page 177 and 178: (384) AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' T 4.2.5
Page 179 and 180: features. Therefore, if the subject
Page 181 and 182: position higher in the structure th
Page 183 and 184: Given this ordering, if bar precede
Page 185 and 186: (398) a. Li individuano facilmente,
Page 187 and 188: (401) [R-ar tutu i ar] im [r-ar eon
Page 189 and 190: (409) R-ar tutu [i lik leddik ro] i
Page 191 and 192: However, there are two flaws with t
Page 193 and 194: phonological pattern seems to be on
Page 195 and 196: (415) AgrSPm tl AgrS r 3pl AgrS' Vj
Page 197 and 198: 4.4 The structure of sentences with
Page 199 and 200: *V S O PP (423) [FocP [AgrSP [AccP
Page 201 and 202: Table 19. Subject position with CP
Page 203 and 204: specifier of the verb phrase. If th
Page 205 and 206: But there are no sentence modifying
Page 207 and 208: 5.1 Introduction Chapter 5. Passive
Page 209 and 210: words, how do we really know that M
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intransitive form of the verb. Alte
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(444) a. R-ar lemelm jaki ko ilo mw
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(452) Ilo manit in Majel, leddik re
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Agent phrases headed by these three
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(462) *Nuknuk eo a-ō e-būrōrō i
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(469) a. Mon wia eo e-ar etal. plac
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c. *Irooj ro r-ar bōnbōn in leroo
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the stative form. For example, jebj
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Stative sentences also allow postve
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. E-abwinmake likao eo jān jine-n.
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c. *Leddik eo e-kar den#den# in lad
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Instead, Collins proposes the struc
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(514) This structure also includes
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(515) DPj amimōno ko 'the handcraf
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5.5.2 Sentences internal subjects a
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(518) In passives, the VP must move
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(519) AgrSP AgrS r 3pl In accordanc
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But in a sentence containing an ipp
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5.7 Summary In this chapter, I have
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verbs have two important properties
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The data presented in Table 21 show
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(532) c. *Kōrā ro r-ar lōmnak in
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Despite appearing to occupy the sam
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It is difficult to distinguish betw
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(551) a. Ri-jerakrōk ro r-ar i-tok
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6.5.2 Monoclausal infinitives - typ
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The subject may also be sentence fi
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(572) Kweilok eo e-ar ijjino in Wat
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(578) a. *E-ar kajjion# taktō eo i
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Wurmbrand shows that, in the case o
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difficulty articulating the differe
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However, dummy subject are not poss
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(601) AgrSP AgrS e 3s AgrS' TP T Th
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(604) DPj jaki ko 'the mats' AgrSP
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and incorporates with Voice. Thus a
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others. The behavior of the differe
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verbs that moved to X, we would exp
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internal, then the movement of the
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Chapter 7. Conclusions and Discussi
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References Abo, Takaji, Byron W. Be
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Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist Inq
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Kayne, Richard S. 1994. The Antisym
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Rizzi, Luigi. 2001. On the position
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