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But it is possible for the PP argument to precede the direct object DP, as shown in the<br />

following two examples:<br />

S V PP O<br />

(264) Kōrā eo e-ar bōk-Ĝok n#an ippā-n<br />

woman the.s 3s.agr-T(past) take-away.from.both to with-3s<br />

ri-kalbuuj eo, jidpan eo.<br />

one.who-be.in.prison the.s saw the.s<br />

'The woman took the saw to the prisoner.' (lit. 'The woman took to the prisoner,<br />

the saw.'<br />

(265) Ri-jerbal ro re-j bōk-lok n#an irooj eo,<br />

one.who-work the.pl.h 3pl.agr-T(pres) take-away.from.both to chief the.s<br />

bwiro ko.<br />

preserved.breadfruit the.pl.nh<br />

'The workers are taking the preserved breadfruits to the chief.' (lit. 'The workers<br />

are taking to the chief, the breadfruits.')<br />

These two examples require the special phonology associated with final subjects, as will<br />

be discussed in section 3.3.1.<br />

All <strong>of</strong> the verbs in the examples in this section take the deictic directional suffix,<br />

which indicates the direction in which the action takes place with relation to the speaker<br />

<strong>and</strong> the listener. (See section 2.2.6.3 <strong>of</strong> chapter 2 for a discussion <strong>of</strong> this suffix.) Because<br />

these verbs include the deictic directional suffix, the PP may be omitted, as shown in<br />

(266)-(268):<br />

S V O<br />

(266) Jin-ō e-kar jilikin-tok jet likko.<br />

mother-1s.gen 3s.agr-T(past) send-toward.speaker some skirt<br />

'My mother sent some skirts to me.'<br />

(267) Ri-jerbal ro re-j bōk-wōj bwiro<br />

one.who-work the.pl.h 3pl.agr-T(pres) take-toward.listener preserved.breadfruit<br />

ko.<br />

the.pl.nh<br />

'The workers are taking the preserved breadfruits to you.'<br />

97

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