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structure than the verb phrase <strong>and</strong> a clause internal focus position, as illustrated by (385),<br />

where the lines indicate case assignment.<br />

(385) …[AccP v+Acc [FocP [subject] Foc [vP tsubject tv [VP V object]]]]<br />

X<br />

Since Italian postverbal subjects are focused, the subject moves to the specifier <strong>of</strong> the<br />

focus phrase. When this occurs, the subject intervenes between Acc <strong>and</strong> the object, which<br />

remains in the VP. In order for accusative case to be assigned to the object, Acc must<br />

establish an Agree relationship with the object. However the position <strong>of</strong> the subject<br />

prevents it from doing so. This is because a Relativized Minimality (RM) violation will<br />

occur if Acc establishes an Agree relationship with the object, which bears case features,<br />

when there is an intervening element – the subject – which bears features <strong>of</strong> the same<br />

structural type as case. While Belletti ties this RM violation to the subject's Focus<br />

features, which, according to Rizzi's (1990, 2001, 2002) categorization <strong>of</strong> features, are <strong>of</strong><br />

the same structural type as case, the fact that both the subject <strong>and</strong> the object bear case<br />

features is sufficient to rule out any derivation in which the subject intervenes between<br />

Acc <strong>and</strong> the object.<br />

One important difference between Marshallese <strong>and</strong> Italian is that Marshallese<br />

internal subjects are not focused. So, rather than moving to the specifier <strong>of</strong> a Focus<br />

phrase, Marshallese subjects remain in the specifier <strong>of</strong> the verb phrase. But this fact is not<br />

problematic. Since the subject bears case features, a RM violation will still result if the<br />

subject remains in any position between Acc <strong>and</strong> the object, which also bears case<br />

160

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