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. *E-naaj ettōr irooj ro n#an kweilok eo.<br />

3s.agr-T(fut) run chief the.pl.h to meeting the.s<br />

'The chiefs will run to the meeting.'<br />

(34) a. Re-kar būromōj irooj ro ilo pade eo.<br />

3pl.agr-T(past) be.sad chief the.pl.h during party the.s<br />

'The chiefs were sad during the party.'<br />

b. *E-kar būromōj irooj ro ilo pade eo.<br />

3s.agr-T(past) be.sad chief the.pl.h during party the.s<br />

'The chiefs were sad during the party.'<br />

In the case <strong>of</strong> (33b) <strong>and</strong> (34b), speakers reported that these sentences were ungrammatical<br />

because the 3s agreement clitic e appears with the plural subject irooj ro 'the chiefs.' In<br />

spite <strong>of</strong> this fact, there is reason to think that these sentences are grammatical because<br />

these speakers <strong>of</strong>ten use the singular agreement clitic with a postverbal plural subject in<br />

spontaneous speech or when translating a sentence from <strong>English</strong> to Marshallese. The use<br />

<strong>of</strong> the third singular clitic in spontaneous speech seems to indicate that (33b) <strong>and</strong> (34b)<br />

are, in fact, grammatical.<br />

Historically, it is possible that number agreement with postverbal subjects is a<br />

rather new development in Marshallese. This fact is hinted at by Zewen when he states<br />

that, while there is no number agreement between postverbal subjects <strong>and</strong> the agreement<br />

clitic in Marshallese, "contemporary" Marshallese <strong>of</strong>ten employs the third person plural<br />

marker with the postverbal plural subject. Thus the data that was taken from older<br />

dialects <strong>of</strong> Marshallese <strong>and</strong> that is presented in Erl<strong>and</strong> (1914) <strong>and</strong> Zewen (1977) may not<br />

have allowed plural agreement with postverbal plural subjects, whereas Marshallese as it<br />

is used today does.<br />

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